English study

Video: Japanese whale hunt, Greenpeace, and Australia racism racist

2009-10-31T07:23:00.000-07:00

Video: Japanese whale hunt, Greenpeace, and Australia racism racist

"FREE TIBET" in Nagoya, Japan

2008-04-21T10:34:00.000-07:00

"FREE TIBET" in Nagoya, Japan

Who is Nazi? It’s you China.

2008-04-21T10:29:00.000-07:00

Photo from Reuters Pictures

http://www.daylife.com/photo/06nP184duwgjN

Who is Nazi? It’s you China.

They do not think telling lies to be shameful.
Have you understood the reason why the Japanese dislike Chinese (and Corean)? The Japanese and they are different at all.

Dalai Lama's birthplace locked down / Yomiuri Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2008-04-15T23:21:00.000-07:00

Dalai Lama's birthplace locked down
Takanori Kato / Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080415TDY05309.htm

The front gate of the Dalai Lama's childhood home in Pingan County, Qinghai Province, ChinaXINING, China--One month after massive riots in Lhasa in the Tibet Autonomous Region last month, the Dalai Lama's childhood home in neighboring Qinghai Province has been besieged by the Chinese authorities.

Relatives currently living in the childhood home of Tibet's exiled spiritual leader have effectively been placed under house arrest, with their movements outside the home strictly limited.

"It [the house] is located deep in the mountains. Ask anyone up there and you'll easily find it," a Tibetan resident told us when we asked for directions to the Dalai Lama's birthplace having come off the expressway stretching from the province's capital of Xining.

By the time we reached the house in Pingan County after driving about 40 kilometers through the mountains at an altitude of about 3,000 meters it was already after 5 p.m.

Both sides of the house's front gate, which was tightly shut, were emblazoned with notices from the provincial judicial authorities dated April 2 .

One notice was written in Chinese, the other in Tibetan. The Chinese notice stated that the authorities prohibited all "destructive antigovernmental behavior" and the reproduction or distribution of the Dalai Lama's image in any form. The notice also said that anyone providing information about such activities would be rewarded.

Going round to the back of the house, we knocked on the door. A man answered the door and asked, "Where are you from?"

When I identified myself as a Japanese reporter, he suddenly looked nonplussed.

"We can't help you at the moment, and we'd like you to leave immediately," he said, before disappearing behind the door.

Later on, a neighbor told us in confidence that the house had been under a tight police guard earlier in the day.

"During the daytime, several police officers blocked the road leading up to the house. They've only just left," the villager said.

The Dalai Lama moved to Lhasa after spending several years in this house after his birth in 1935. He was later forced to flee to India following the Tibetan uprising in 1959.

Though the Chinese government has accused the Dalai Lama of initiating the latest protests in Tibet, for Tibetans in the region, he remains the spiritual leader.

On Feb. 21, before the uprising took place in Lhasa, there was a clash between monks and police officers in Tongren County in Huangnan, Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, which is about 150 kilometers south of Pingan County.

When we visited the site of the incident, a young monk expressed anxiety.

"Military officers are coming round and searching our rooms every day. If they find even a fragment of a Dalai Lama photograph, they will take us away immediately," he said.

(Apr. 15, 2008)

Do they have the qualification to hold the Olympic?

2008-04-13T07:08:00.000-07:00

Do they have the qualification to hold the Olympic?

Dialogue the only cure for torch, Tibet unrest / Yomiuri Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2008-04-11T20:21:00.000-07:00

Dialogue the only cure for torch, Tibet unrest

The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20080409TDY04305.htm

The Olympic torch relay for this summer's Games has been marred by the actions of pro-Tibet demonstrators. Protests against the Chinese government's crackdown in Tibet look set to escalate as the torch continues on its path toward Beijing.
To successfully carry out the Games--an event of peace--the Chinese government must restart talks with the exiled Tibet government as soon as possible.
The relay started April 1. In London and Paris, groups of exiled Tibetans and human rights activists resorted to disruptive tactics, with some trying to grab the torch and to block the relay run. However, these unruly protests will do little to whip up sympathy for the causes the demonstrators are championing.
The torch relay will move to San Francisco on Wednesday. After passing through several cities in Southeast Asia and elsewhere, the torch's path will come to Nagano on April 26. Every possible measure must be taken to ensure that no unrest occurs as the torch is carried through the Japanese city.
The blame for this disgraceful situation that runs counter to the Games--a sporting event--rests with the Chinese side.
===
Hu standing firm
U.S. President George W. Bush held talks with his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, last month over the phone. In the conversation, the U.S. president expressed his concern over the Tibet situation and urged Hu to start "substantive dialogue" with Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama.
However, the Chinese president responded by justifying the use of force in the crackdown in Tibet. Hu described the protests in Tibet as undisguised serious and violent crimes.
Tibet is calling for a "high level of autonomy," not independence. Dialogue between the Chinese government and the Tibetan government-in-exile had been held intermittently in the past, but these talks have gone cold since last year.
Demonstrations are continuing in Lhasa, the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region, and neighboring areas. Failure by the Chinese government to handle this smoldering tinderbox appropriately could end up casting a pall over the Beijing Games.
Leaders of such countries as Brazil, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany and Poland have already said they will stay away from the Aug. 8 opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics.
===
Simmering tensions
In China, patriotic nationalistic sentiments are becoming increasingly fervent. An Internet petition decrying recent anti-Beijing Games protests, including pledges not to attend the opening ceremony, collected 2.2 million signatures, mainly among young Chinese.
If these angry sentiments end up morphing into criticism directed toward the Beijing government, the fabric of Chinese society could start fraying.
The Dalai Lama supports Beijing's hosting of the Olympic Games. He also has been quick to speak out against actions to disrupt the torch relay. The Buddhist spiritual leader also has gone to pains to say he was ready to have talks with the Chinese government.
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda will meet with Hu when the Chinese president makes a state visit to Japan next month. The Japanese government should use Hu's visit as an opportunity to develop proactive diplomacy with China, to help bring stability to Tibet and to ensure the Beijing Games are a shining success.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 9, 2008)
(Apr. 9, 2008)

Japanese Buddhist talks about the Tibet problem(english sub)

2008-04-10T07:58:00.000-07:00

Japanese Buddhist talks about the Tibet problem(english sub)

Video: The grave of whales

2008-04-01T08:56:00.000-07:00

Video: The grave of whales

Court didn't recognize 'order' to commit suicide / The Yomiuri Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2008-03-29T04:42:00.000-07:00

Court didn't recognize 'order' to commit suicide
The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20080329TDY04304.htm

Were mass suicides by civilians during the Battle of Okinawa ordered by the Imperial Japanese Army? Friday's Osaka District Court ruling on this issue has attracted public attention, as has the government's screening of high school history textbooks describing the Battle of Okinawa.
An army veteran and a brother of a deceased veteran filed the damages suit with the court against Nobel Prize-winning writer Kenzaburo Oe and Iwanami Shoten Publishers. They claimed "false" descriptions stating that the army ordered the civilians to commit suicide en masse during the Battle of Okinawa were defamatory and asked the defendants to pay compensation.
But, recognizing the "deep involvement" of the Imperial Japanese Army in the mass suicides, the ruling rejected the plaintiffs' claim.
At the same time, the court said it was reluctant to recognize that the army's involvement went as far as issuing orders as described in Oe's book and ultimately avoided passing judgment on the "order" issue.
Last year, in the high school history textbook screening case, a passage stating that citizens "were forced by the Japanese army into committing the mass suicides" was amended to say they "were driven to commit mass suicides using hand grenades and other means distributed to them with the involvement of the Japanese army."
Panel's stance appropriate
The opinion formed by an advisory panel to the education minister as part of the textbook authorization process was that as it was not entirely clear whether the army had "forced" the suicides to take place, a judgmental description should be avoided.
The panel's position not to permit use of phrases such as "the Japanese army forced mass suicides" as long as there is no clear historical evidence seems an appropriate one.
With regard to the mass suicides on Tokashikijima and Zamamijima islands in Okinawa Prefecture, for much of the postwar period it has been generally accepted that garrison commanders "ordered" residents to do this. The view is based on accounts given by survivors and local residents, some of which were recounted in the book "Tetsu no Bofu" (The Typhoon of Steel), a record of the Battle of Okinawa published in 1950 by The Okinawa Times.
But when writer Ayako Sono researched the mass suicides on Tokashikijima island for a book written in 1973, the paucity of evidence supporting the explanation that garrison commanders issued such orders became clear.
Account cut from history book
Taking this new position into account, a passage regarding the garrison commanders' suicide order on Tokashikijima was expunged in 1986 from the book "Taiheiyo Senso" (Pacific War) by historian Saburo Ienaga, originally published by Iwanami Shoten.
Also with relation to Zamamijima, in 1985 The Kobe Shimbun reported assertions by a former garrison commander that no such order for local residents to commit suicide was issued. A book was also published in 2000 that included testimony from a woman who said a garrison commander refused to hand over ammunition for her to commit suicide.
At the same time, there is also testimony stating that the Japanese army did distribute hand grenades to residents for that purpose.
However, there has been no discussion to date denying the "involvement" of the army itself with relation to the mass suicides.
The core point in the trial has been whether the army issued a specific "order."
The plaintiffs intend to appeal the ruling to a higher court. We will keep a close eye on developments in that court.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 29, 2008)
(Mar. 29, 2008)

Photographic Evidence of Genocide at Tibet

2008-03-22T04:09:00.000-07:00

Photographic evidence of the bloody crackdown on peaceful protesting Tibetan at Ngaba County, Sichuan Province, on 16 March 2008

WARNING: EXTREMELY DISTURBING PICTURES.
↓
http://www.tchrd.org/press/2008/pr20080318c.html

A manga about Tibet. The truth about Tibet.

2008-03-21T08:39:00.000-07:00

A manga about Tibet. The truth about Tibet.

"Syura to Jihi" By GOUDA Yoshiie. (English version)

↓Original Japanese version.
http://mushiboshi.wordpress.com/2008/03/18/a-manga-about-tibet-by-gouda-yoshiie/

Mass abductions in midnight raids by Chinese security forces in Lhasa, Tibet.

2008-03-18T00:41:00.000-07:00

16 March 2008 [For Immediate Release]
Mass abductions in midnight raids by Chinese security forces in Lhasa
Hundreds of Tibetans are arbitrarily arrested in the ongoing house-by-house raid by Chinese security forces in Lhasa beginning from 15 March 2008. All former political prisoners have already been rounded off and thrown into prisons by the security forces according to confirmed information received by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD).

With streets filled with patrolling Chinese armed troops and tanks in Lhasa city, the security agencies comb each and every house in Lhasa and pick up all suspected Tibetans, especially youth, from their houses accompanied by severe beatings by the armed forces. In testimonies received by TCHRD, mothers and elderlies in the families helplessly plea at security forces upon seeing their sons and loved ones being beaten and dragged away.

http://www.tchrd.org/

China's ethnic policies led to Tibet riots / The Yomiuri Shimbun Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2008-03-17T23:58:00.000-07:00

China's ethnic policies led to Tibet riots
The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20080318TDY04305.htm

Rioting in China's Tibet Autonomous Region, has spread to neighboring areas.
Tibetan exiles across the world have staged protests, damaging China's image abroad ahead of the Beijing Olympic Games to be held in August.
It is ironic that the riots occurred when the National People's Congress, China's parliament, is in session until Tuesday because the parliament had made social harmony, including harmony among ethnic groups, one of the main themes of the annual session.
The latest riots could be considered the product of China's failed policy toward Tibet.
The Chinese authorities announced that 13 people were killed and 61 policemen were injured in rioting in Lhasa, while the Tibetan government-in-exile gave different figures, putting the death toll at 80 and the number of injured at 72 as of Sunday night.
The Tibetan government-in-exile called for an independent international investigation team to be sent to Tibet, a suggestion that was immediately rejected by Beijing. China apparently does not want to let the international community know the real situation in Tibet.
===
History of violence
There have been many clashes between the security authorities and Tibetan residents since the 14th Dalai Lama sought asylum in Dharmsala, India, in March 1959 following the Tibet rebellion.
Hu Jintao, who was reelected president during Saturday's National People's Congress session, oversaw an armed crackdown during the 1989 Lhasa revolt as party secretary for the Tibet Autonomous Region.
Since the mid-1990s, China's policy toward Tibet has centered around economic and social development, symbolized by the construction of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway, which opened two years ago between Golmud in Qinghai Province and Lhasa.
The Chinese government encouraged the ethnic Han majority to migrate to the region through commercial development and other projects. As a result, Chinese became the dominant language over Tibetan and the assimilation of Tibetans into the Chinese majority has progressed in the educational and cultural fields.
===
Attempts to assimilate
The Tibetan government-in-exile says Han people now outnumber Tibetans in the Tibetan-inhabited areas, including the Tibet Autonomous Region, which has a total population of about 2.8 million, due to China's migration policy.
Meanwhile, the Chinese authorities have clamped down on monks and residents who took part in antigovernment activities, sent party and military personnel to temples and forced patriotic education as part of its efforts to repress Tibetan culture.
Also, in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, which is China's Achilles' heel along with Tibet, the migration of Han people has been encouraged, triggering persistent resistance movements among the Uygur people.
The Dalai Lama dropped his demand for Tibetan independence in the 1990s and switched to a policy of seeking a "high level of autonomy" for Tibet.
China and the Tibetan government-in-exile have intermittently engaged in behind-the-scene dialogue.
The Chinese government should take the recent rioting as an opportunity to begin making concessions.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 18, 2008)
(Mar. 18, 2008)

"Birds of a feather flock together" China, Corea, and Sea Shepherd.

2008-03-13T05:02:00.000-07:00

"Birds of a feather flock together"

China, Corea, and Sea Shepherd.

・・・・this is the nation that still denies the Rape of Nanking, that still denies enslaving Korean and Chinese women as "comfort women,"

http://www.seashepherd.org/editorials/editorial_080308_1.html

March 10: An Anniversary To Remember / Tokyo Bombing

2008-03-13T04:27:00.000-07:00

March 10: An Anniversary To Remember

http://www.japanprobe.com/?p=4018

IWC Unanimously Condemns Sea Shepherd

2008-03-13T04:24:00.000-07:00

IWC Unanimously Condemns Sea Shepherd

http://www.japanprobe.com/?p=4021

The hottest American in Japan now. It is not Mr. Obama.

2008-03-01T04:29:00.000-08:00

The hottest American in Japan now. It is not Mr. Obama. Of course, it is not Ms. Clinton either.
It is Mr. JERO the first American ENKA (Japanese blues) singer.
He sings typical ENKA in beautiful Japanese in hip-hop singer’s shape.
His first tune “Umi Yuki (The ocean snow)” debuted to 4th place of the charts of Japan.

He is genuine American who was born in Pittsburgh. However, his grandmother is a Japanese. When he was a child, he sang ENKA to make her pleased.
He graduated from the Pittsburgh university and became a computer engineer. However, he came to Japan to accomplish the promise with the grandmother “Become a ENKA singer” five years ago.

His newie is surely shocking for Japanese.
However, it alone is not a reason a lot of Japanese support him.
His song is indeed attractive for the Japanese.
And, his character is also wonderful. He is serious and is faithful and is modest and loves his family.He is good young man of the type that the Japanese like.

Has China given up on probe for truth? / Poison chaozu

2008-02-29T14:44:00.000-08:00

Has China given up on probe for truth? / Poison chaozu　
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan)

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20080301TDY04305.htm

It would be highly undesirable if the shelving of fact-finding efforts into the recent food poisoning caused by Chinese-made frozen gyoza results in an emotional confrontation between Japan and China.
The Chinese Public Security Ministry said at a press conference Thursday that there was an extremely low likelihood the gyoza became contaminated in China with the organic phosphorus pesticide methamidophos.
A senior official of the ministry also said the Japanese side had not provided results requested by China of tests carried out in Japan on the tainted gyoza.
China's assertion is completely at odds with an explanation given by the National Police Agency based on investigations by the Japanese police so far that "the possibility the pesticide was mixed into gyoza in Japan is extremely low."
===
Denial can't go unchallenged
Furthermore, according to the NPA, it did provide the test results to the Chinese side. The NPA also says its repeated requests for the Chinese side to reveal information concerning investigations into past poisoning incidents caused by methamidophos in China have not been met. In light of these details, NPA Commissioner General Hiroto Yoshimura had good reason to issue a strong rebuttal, saying that China's assertion "cannot go unchallenged."
The Chinese side previously proposed investigating the case with a joint investigation team comprising Japanese and Chinese authorities.
The latest Chinese announcement came immediately after a senior official of the NPA visited China and agreed with the Chinese side to accelerate the investigation by encouraging closer coordination and the exchange of evidence for an early settlement. This development threatens to endanger future bilateral cooperation on the investigation.
Some observers believe a political decision at a level far above the investigation authorities may have been made in China.
But, in contrast with the NPA's backlash against the Chinese denial, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said: "China said it wanted to thoroughly investigate the case in cooperation with Japan. They seem very willing to do so."
The prime minister apparently wants to avoid the issue developing into a political one. This may be the right approach to take.
===
Safety before politics
It must be noted that the issue is related to food safety, though. The reality of the current situation is that more and more consumers are hesitating to buy Chinese-made food products.
An attempt to settle the issue politically by keeping the facts ambiguous will only serve to leave emotional ill will on both sides. It may also lead to growing distrust among consumers.
The Chinese side also said there was no possible culprit among the workers at the gyoza factory in question and that no problems were found in any part of the factory's production process, from the handling of raw materials such as vegetables to the production and shipping processes.
However, even if a suspect were found among the workers, that person might not quickly admit to contaminating the products. It is also unclear if the Chinese side checked up on former workers such as those who recently retired or were fired.
China also said that "under certain conditions methamidophos can penetrate product packaging." Logically, this means the products could have been tainted with the pesticide in Japan. But most members of the public will remain unconvinced by such an elaborate hypothesis of how the tainting took place.
China should do its best to find out what really happened by closely cooperating with the Japanese investigative authorities and taking preventive measures. Only in this way can China regain the trust of Japanese consumers in Chinese-made food products.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 1, 2008)
(Mar. 1, 2008)

WAR DAMAGE IN THE NANKING AREA December, 1937 to March, 1938URBAN AND RURAL SURVEYS

2008-02-19T18:54:00.000-08:00

WAR DAMAGE IN THE NANKING AREA
December, 1937 to March, 1938
URBAN AND RURAL SURVEYS

By Dr. Lewis S. C. Smythe
Professor of Sociology, University of Nanking
AND ASSISTANTS
On Behalf of THE NANKING INTERNATIONAL RELIEF COMMITTEE COMPLETED JUNE, 1938

Printed by THE MERCURY PRESS, SHANGHAI, CHINA

http://seaurchinseaurchin.blogspot.com/

This book was written on the result of the only scientific research by an (anti-Japan) American scholar concerning so-called "Nanking Massacre".
Chinese who criticizes Japan for so-called "Nanking Massacre" and the sympathizer are disregarding the conclusion of this book.
If you read this book, You understand the reason.

I do not think that the contents of the book is accurate. Dr. Smythe, professor of the Nanjing university is complete Chinese favor.
However, it must be truer than "Nanjing massacre" that Chinese says.

---------------------------------------------------------

WAR DAMAGE IN THE NANKING AREA
December, 1937 to March, 1938
URBAN AND RURAL SURVEYS
By
Dr. Lewis S. C. Smythe{Professor of Sociology, University of Nanking}AND ASSISTANTS

On Behalf of
THENANKING INTERNATIONAL RRELIEF COMMITTEECOMPLETED JUNE, 1938

Foreword

IN the course of its efforts to aid the impoverished and troubled people of Nanking and adjacent districts, the Nanking International Relief committee early felt the necessity of discovering with reasonable accuracy their true economic position. What were both the extent and the nature of their losses? How far impaired are their opportunities and abilities for making a living? What supplies of food may he expected from the farms of this area? What are the fundamental deficiencies or obstacles that stand in the way of normal economic effort on the farms and in the city? Such questions were basic to any sound consideration of policy and methods in relief. The only good way to answer them was to go out to seek the facts. The Nanking International Relief committee here makes known the results of its inquiries primarily for the information of those concerned with the practice and the support of relief work in this and other areas; secondarily, for the wider public which is or should be concerned with the ravages of warfare among civilians, in whatever country. Our own position is humanitarian, without regard to the nationality of war victims. In this report we seldom use the terms “Chinese” and “Japanese”, and consider persons dimply as farmers, housewives or children. The International Committee is aware, however, that statements have been published by Chinese, putting upon the Japanese an exclusive and exaggerated blame for the injuries to the people of the Nanking area; likewise that statements have been published by Japanese, Charging the Chinese with burning and looting which they themselves benevolently checked. In order to guard against controversial misuse of the present report, we feel it necessary to make a brief factual statement as to the causation of the injuries listed. . The burning in the municipal areas immediately adjoining the walled city of Nanking, and in some of the towns and villages along the southeasterly approaches to Nanking, was done by the Chinese armies as a military measure―whether proper or improper, is not for us to determine. A very small amount of damage to civilian life and property was done by military operations along the roads from the southeast, and in the four days of moderately severe attack upon the city. Practically all of the burning within the city walls’ and a good deal of that in rural areas, was done gradually by the Japanese forces (in Nanking, from December 19, one Week after entry’ to the beginning

of February). For the period covered in the surveys, most of the looking in the entire area, and practically all of the violence against civilians, was also done by the Japanese forces―whether justifiably or unjustifiably in terms of policy, is not for us to decide. Beginning early in January, there gradually developed looting and robbery by Chinese civilians; and later, particularly after March, the struggle for fuel brought serious structural damage to unoccupied buildings. Also, there has latterly grown up in the rural areas a serious banditry which currently rivals and sometimes surpasses the robbery and violence by Japanese soldiers. In some portions of our report, these elements of causation can be distinguished. From a humanitarian point of view, we venture merely to point out that. losses to life and property from actual warfare are shown by these surveys to be one or two per cent of the total. The rest could hare been prevented if both sides had wished to give sufficient consideration to the welfare of civilians, including reasonable protection by military and civilian police.The International committee which authorised these surveys had within its membership a trained sociologist, Dr. Lewis S. C. Smythe Professor of Sociology at the University of Nanking, Who not only had general experience in survey methods, but also had taken a responsible part in two earlier surveys of calamities in this region. These inquiries were: the Economic Survey made on behalf of the National Flood Relief Commission by the Department of Agricultural Economics of the College of Agriculture and Forestry of the University of Nanking (report published by Professor J. Lossing Buck. Director, under the title ”The 1931 Flood in China”); and the Survey of the Rural Areas Affected by the Shanghai Hostilities (1932), made at the request of the Minister of Finance by the same Department of Agricultural Economics (unpublished). Both these surveys were for the purpose of ascertaining actual needs as against vague or tendencious reports from Local officials. The accomplishment of the present surveys is largely dependent upon the unusual abilities and energies of Dr. Smythe, event though he has not been able to give full time to them while acting both as Treasurer and as Secretary of the International Committee. Full acknowledgment is due to the surveys mentioned above, which were drawn upon both for points of method and for check or comparison of results. Likewise to the vast survey recently completed under Professor Buck's direction, and reported in his book, Land Utilization in China, with supplementary Atlas and volume of Statistics.

M. S. BATES

Ⅱ

Contents
―――
Page
FORWORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
INTRODUCTION: ORGANIZATION AND METHOD . . . . . . . . 1
Ⅰ. CITY SURVEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1. Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
2. Deaths and Injuries due to Hostilities . . . . . . . . . . 7
3. Employment and Earnings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
4. Losses of Families Remaining in Nanking . . . . . . . . . . 11
5. Total Losses of Building and Contents　 . . . . . . . . . . 12
Ⅱ. AGRICULTURAL SURVEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1. Farm Losses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2. Winter Crops and Spring Seed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3. The war and Persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
4. Effects of War: Farm and City Compared . . . . . . . . . . 23
Ⅲ. RESULTS IN BEARING UPON RELIFE NEEDS AND RELIEF
PROGRAM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Ⅳ. APPENDICES
A. Further Notes on Organization and Method . . . . . . . . 28
B. Migration of Whole Families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
C. Schedules Used . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
V. TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Ⅵ. MAPS
1. Nanking
2. Ningshu Area

Ⅲ

List of Tables
―――
Table
1. FAMILIES STUDIED AND ESTIMATED POPULATION BY SECTION OF CITY
2. AGE AND SEX DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION STUDIED SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
3. FAMILY COMPOSITION BY SECTION OF THE CITY, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
4. NUMBER AND CAUSE OF DEATEHS AND INJURIES, BY DATE
5. SEX AND AGE OF DEATHS, INJURIES BY MILITARY VIOLENCE, AND OF PERSONS TAKEN AWAY, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
6. FORMER ENPLOYMENT AND EARNIGNS, BY OCCUPATION
7. PRESENT EMPLOYMENT AND EARNINGS
8. SOURCES OF CEREALS DURING PRECEDING WEEK, BY SECTION OF THE CITY,SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
9. LOSSES OF BUILDINGS AND MOVABLE PROPERTY FOR FAMILIES REMAINING IN NAKING, BY CAUSE
10. LOSSES OF BUILDING AND MOVABLE PROPERTY FOR FAMILES REMAINING IN NANKING (BY ORIGINAL ADDRESS) ACCORDING TO TYPE OF BUILDING, CAUSE AND SECTION OF THE CITY, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
11. NUMBER OF BUILDING DAMEGED OR LOOTED, ACCORDING TO TYPE OF BUILDING CAUSE AND SECTION OF THE CITY, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
12. LOSSES OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS, ACCORDING TO SECTION OF THE CITY
13. LOSSES OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS, BY ITEM AND CAUSE
14. LOSSES BY DAMEGE AND LOOTING OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS ACCORDING TO TYPE OF BUILDING, CAUSE AND SECTION OF THE CITY, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
15. NUMBER OF BUILDING DAMEGED OR LOOTED ON MAIN BUSINESS STREETS, ACCORDING TO TYPE OF BUILDING, AND CAUSE, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
16. LOSSES BY DAMAGE AND LOOTING OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS ON MAIN BUSINESS STREETS, ACCORDING TO CAUSE, SHOWN IN PERCENTAGES
17. POPULATION AND CULTIVATED AREA OF FIVE HSIEN OF NINGSHU
18. VALUE OF FARM LOSSES
19. AVERAGE LOSSES PER FAMILY
20. LOSSES OF FARM FAMILIES WITH DETAIL OF ITEMS
21. ESTIMATE OF VOLUME OF WINTER CROPS
22. TOTAL SEED REQUIREMENTS FOR SPRING PLANTING
23. MIGRATION AND LABOR SUPPLY
24. SEX AND AGE OF DEATHS
25. NUMBER AND CAUSES OF DEATHS (DURING 100 DAYS COVERED BY STUDY)
26. DAMEGE TO BUILDINGS
27. LOSSES OF LABOR ANIMALS
28. LOSSES OF IMPLEMENTS
29. LOSSES OF STORED GRAIN
30. AREA PLANTED TO WINTER CROPS
31. PER CENT OF AREA PLANTED TO WINTER CROPS TOTALLY DESTROYED
32. EXPECTED PER CENT OF NORMAL WINTER CROPS IN PLANTED AREA NOT TOTALLY DESTROYED

Ⅴ

INTRODUCTION

ORGANIZATION AND METHODH*

The International Committee's Surveys were really two, though each of them was compound. The City Survey was essentially an inquiry among families resident in Nanking. supplemented by an investigation of all buildings unoccupied as well as occupied, and separating for special attention as food-producers the market gardeners who are scattered through three or four sections of the city. The Agricultural Survey was essentially an inquiry among resident farm families, supplemented by a village survey described in Appendix B, and by the listing of significant prices in market towns.
1. FIELD PROCDURE. The family investigators in the City Survey in Nanking were instructed to fill outa family out a family schedule for every family in every 50th inhabited house. A ''House'' was defined as a "house number'' eyen though in some instances there were several apartments or buildings at one number. In March many entrances were barred, And there was Some little difficulty in determining which house were inhabited. Consequently, some may have been passed over. A control map served to check areas skipped. Each man was assigned a specified section on the map to cover and to record the count of house numbers in selecting his 50th inhabited house. The investigators were well received because of the favorable reputation of the Committee but were careful to explain that they came only to inquire about facts and not as the family relief investigators working in the regular service of the Committee. Men who participated in both activities thought very definitely that the Family Survey was much less subject to exaggeration of losses than the relief investigations.

The building investigators in the City Survey had two tasks: (1) to count every building in the city and indicate whether it had been damaged by military operations, fire or looting; and (2) to make an estimate of the loss on every 10th building. For the purpose a house number was considered a "building", though in some cases it included more than one structure. A well-trained construction engineer worked out unit-cost figures for each of the common types of construction, which greatly facilitated the accuracy of these estimates. Furthermore, of each pair of investigators, one was a contractor. Estimates on loss of contents in uninhabited buildings had to be based on the nature of the building and inquiries from neighbors. A control map located areas overlooked and these were carefully re-done.

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*This "Introduction" is written to inform general readers as to how the surveys were conducted. Those interested in technical considerations are referred to Appendix A, "Further Notes on Organization and Method."

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Both the family and building investigations covered the whole of the city inside the walls and the areas just outside some of the gates as well. But they did not take in all that formerly comprised the Nanking Municipality, which included Pukow and number of surrounding small towns. Only certain small areas and scattered individual houses inhabited by the Japanese military or civilians could not be studied.
In the Agricultural Survey two investigators were sent out across each of the six hsien armed with passes from three organizations. They were instructed to follow a main road one way and then to return zigzagging across the main road in the form of a figure eight in order to cover the areas back from the main roads. On this circuit they were to secure a village schedule from every third village on their route and in that village fill out one farm schedule for every tenth farm family that had returned to the village. A market town price schedule was to be answered for every market town passed through.
2. TIME OF DATE.
The field work for the Agricultural Survey extended from March 8th to 23rd. For the City Survey the family investigation extended from March 9th to April 2nd with supplementary work April 19th to 23rd; the building investigation, from March 15th to June 15th. During the longer period for the building investigation there was little change in contents already lost, but there were some cases in which partial taking away of building materials occurred. Rebuilding during the period was practically nil.
3. STATISTICAL PROCEDURE.
Both in training the investigators and in supervising the tabulation work it was fortunate that an experienced man trained in Agricultural Economics was available as supervisor; and some men who formerly worked in Professor Buck’s tabulation department were here to help in that work. In the writing of the report and the interpretation of the results of the survey the Director has had the invaluable cooperation of Dr. M. S. Bates of the University of Nanking whose extensive knowledge of economic history and of conditions in China has thrown light on the statistical findings.
Both the Agricultural and Family Surveys were based on a sample instead of attempting complete enumeration. Consequently, totals and grand averages are estimates based on results learned in the cases studied. But with the exception of rice seed for Luho, explained in the proper place, the date on which the estimates in the tables are based remain as reported by the investigators.
In the Agricultural Survey the average per farm family studied was worked out by hsien and then that average was multiplied by the total number of farm families in each hsien, as given by Professor Buck in his Land Utilization in China. The grand total was secured by adding up the hsien totals and any grand averages were then computed form these totals, thereby in each hsien. Although a village schedule was used to get a broader picture of general conditions, all calculations were based on the farm schedule. (See Appendix B.)
The totals in the family investigation of the City Survey were calculated by multiplying by 50 the average per family secured from a study of every 50th
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inhabited house. Likewise the estimates of loss in the building investigation were computed by multiplying by 10 the total loss secured form a study of every 10th building. In the printed tables, the convenience of the reader has been considered by dropping as many decimal places as possible. All total are given in round hundreds.
4. UNITS OF WEIGHT, MEASUREMENT AND CURRENCY:
The measure of grains and vegetables was a shih tan by weight which is 100 shih chin, or one-half the metric quintal. This is 50 kilograms or 110.23 pounds, which is very close to the English hundredweight (112 lbs.), and is 0.83 of a picul. The mow used for measure of area is the local mow as reported by the farmers; but in calculations the Kiangning mow has been used, as it represents two-fifths of the cultivated area studied. It is equal to 0.06067 hectares. The shih mow (standard mow) referred to on occasion is slightly larger, 0.06667 hectares or one-sixth of an acre.
All monetary values in these reports are in Chinese currency. For the period covered in the surveys, the Chinese dollar was practically steady at about $3.40 per United States dollar or $17.00 per British pound.
LEWIS S. C. SMYTHE.

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Ⅰ. CITY SURVEY1.
POPULATION
The city of Nanking had before the war a population of just 1,000,000, which was considerably reduced by repeated bombings and latterly by approaching attack and the removal of all Chinese governmental organs. At the time the city fell (December 12-13), its population was between 200,000 and 250,000. The persons reported in our sampling survey in March, multiplied by 50, give 221.150 as the population directly represented by the City Survey. This number was probably 80 to 90 per cent of the total residents at that time, some of whom lived in places not accessible to investigators. (See Note to Table 1 for fuller discussion of population).
27.500 persons were living in refugee camps maintained by the International Committee, 12 per cent of the surveyed population.1 Outside the camps, but within the Safety Zone Area were an additional 68,000 persons, 31 per cent of the total. Some idea of the crowding, the price willingly paid for partial security, is indicated by the fact that 43 per cent of the population, 14 weeks after the fall fo the city, was living in an area which had only 4 per cent of the total number of buildings noted in the Survey, and which comprised roughly one-eighth of the total area within the walls. The fact that practically no burning occurred within the Zone was a further advantage, and suggests the generally and violence outside, even though the Zone was not officially recognized by the Japanese authorities.2
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1. 　At its maximum in the second half of December and in January, this number was 70,000. The reduction was irregularly due to the following causes: crowding and discomforts of the camps, though they were generally preferred to the greater dangers and difficulties outside; the need to care for homes and remains of property, whenever there was sufficient security to make the effort worth while; encouragement by the International Committee for return to other parts of the city in every possible case; threats of forcible eviction from the camps as of February 4, fortunately not realized in action, but bringing about much unnecessary suffering and many regrettable incidents.
2. 　We must here trace the divisions of the city as used for the purpose of the Survey. The Safety Zone Area was bounded by Han Chung Road on the South; by North Chungshan Road from Hsin Chieh K’ou past the Drum Tower to Shansi Road, on the east and northeast; by Shansi Road on the north, continued to Sikang Road, which formed the westerly boundary. Within the Safety Zone Area were the Refugee Camps, reported separately. South of the Safety Zone Area lay Cheng His, reaching to Shengchow Road, and bounded on the east by Chungcheng and Chunghwa Roads. The remaining southwest corner of the city was called Men His. The southeastern corner, north to Pai-hsia Road and east to Tungehimen, was considered as Men Tung. The region from Chungcheng Road eastward to the wall was named Cheng Tung. All the remaining northwestern, northern, and northeastern (as far south as East Chungshan Road) sections were considered Cheng Pei; this eastern section of the north City ran from North Chungshan Road to the wall bounded on the north by the Drum Tower and Peichiko. The four section outside the wall are easily recognized by their names; the Shuihsimen Area extended northward past Hanchungmen. (See City Survey map of Nanking.) The family investigators found the area outside Tungchimen deserted. Consequently, it does not occur in the family investigation but is included in the building investigation. The normally crowded sections in the southerly portions of the city (Cheng His, Men Hsi, Men Tung), were the first to show a fair degree of recovery from the practically complete depopulation of the critical period. Together they had 81,000 residents, 37 per cent of the total. (By June this number of residents had doubled, according to the City Government records of registration.) The sections thus far named had practically 80 per cent of the total for the city. There were only 8,550 persons in the districts studied outside the wall, which suffered so terribly from the burning by the Chinese army and from violence, and in March were still more dangerous on the whole than the inner city.1. Smythe, ” The Composition of the Chinese Family,” Nanking Journal, University of Nanking, November, 1935, v. 5, No. 2, p. 371-393.2. The May 31 registration figures of the Municipal Government, patently incomplete for famales, show 109.4.
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The average size of family for all sections was 4.7. Outside the wall, the average was 4.0, suggesting the presence of more men without families, or of more broken families. Compare the 1932 figures for 2.027 families in the same portions of Nanking from which many of the present population are derived. They show an average family of 4.34. 1 It is probable that in normal times there are more persons detached from their families for reasons of employment. The date on population are given in Table 1.

DISRIBUTION BY SEX AND AGE
The March population of Nanking shwed clearly the characteristics of a war time population. The present survey reports for all ages, in all setions of the city, a sex ratio of 103.4 (males to 100 females); 2 while the 1932 study showed for all ages 114.5; and in the entire population before the war, there was a very high ratio of males to females, at one time 150. The drop of 9 points in the sex ratio since 1932 is accounted for in part by the withdrawal of males not native to Nanking but formerly working here, and in part in the ratio for the age-group 15 yo 49 years, which roughly represents the productive life of the population; here the decline was from 124 to 111, or 11 per cent. This change presents the fact that a large number of women and children are deprived of men who were the support of the family. If the comparison is carried into narrower age-groups, fluctuations are found because of the fewer cases forming the base for each figure; but the results for the 25 years of young maturity are sufficiently consistent to be startling: 15-19 years, 108 now as against 123 in 1932; 20-24 years, 106/124; 25-29 years, 100/128; 30-34 years, 89/123; 35-39 years, 105/123. The decline in the males of productive age is shown in another manner. Of all males in 1932, those 15 to 49 years old were 57 per cent; in the present survey, they were only 49 per cent, a decrease at the rate of 14 per cent, which constitutes a serious economic and social problem. Correspondingly, of all males those over 50 years of age gained from 13 per cent in 1932 to 18 per cent now, an advance of some 30 per cent.
The variations in sex ratios by sections of the city are of some importance. Although the ratio for all sections was 103, for the refugee camps it was only 80, since were overcrowded with women seeking security; on

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the other hand, in the less secure areas the men were relatively much more numerous, as is shown by the ratios for Cheng Pei, 121, the garden group, 150,outside the wall, 144. If we consider the ages for which security was a most acute problem, 15 to 39 years, we find in the refugee camps sex ratios running very low, form 40 to 67 in different five-year units; for the Safety Zone Area, roughly 90; for Cheng Hsi over 150, for outside the wall, well over 200. Thus men were returning first to the more dangerous localities, with old women and remained in places of relative safety. The data on sex and age are given in Table 2.

FAMILY COMPOSITION
The families remaining in Nanking were classified as "Normal," that is, either husband and wife or husband and wife with children living together; "Broken," man or women with children; and "Non-family," man alone or woman alone. Then each of these three types was repeated "with relatives."
The "normal" families were much fewer in proportion to all families than in an earlier study made among Nanking people in more settled times, 1932: now only 4.4 per cent with husband and wife as compared with 9.5; now only 26.2 per cent with husband, wife and children instead of 33.1 per cent. This represents a reduction of these types by one-fourth. A slight increase in "Normal with Relatives" occurred: 32.3 per cent as compared with 29.8 per cent in 1932. In other words there is a net loss of normal families amounting to 9.5 per cent of the total families, or one-seventh reduction of normal families.
This decline in normal families is largely due to an increase in the broken families, 21.4 per cent as compared with only 12.9 in 1932, or an increase of 8.5 per cent for the four types of broken families. Of that increase 6.9 per cent was in families without a man for support, that is, families consisting of only women with children. This means that the number of broken families was almost doubled. This increase in broken families is more clearly understood when we realize that 14.3 per cent of the members of the families remaining in Nanking had migrated, but only 2.2 per cent of the wives lost husbands by this migration. In addition to these there were 4,400 wives, or 8.9 per cent of the wives, whose husbands had either been killed, injured or taken away, Two-thirds of these were killed or taken away, 6.5 per cent. Or more poignantly, 3,250 children (5 per cent of all children) had their fathers killed, injured or taken away. These broken families could only to a small extent be due to families being divided within the city because only 3 per cent were so reported. The three factors combined of migration, persons killed or taken away, and divided families, broke 11.7 per cent of the families remaining in Nanking, or 5,500 families.

Within the city the refugee camps showed a very high figure for broken families, especially in the case of women with children, 13.2 per cent as compared with 6.6 per cent for all sections and with 3.4 per cent in the more normal times of 1932. Fourteen per cent of the families in the refugee camps were women, children and relatives (the latter usually dependent). Altogether, 27.2 per cent of the families in the refugee camps were women with children and in some cases with dependent relatives. In the camps 35 per cent of the
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families had a women as head, while in the remainder of the population only 17 per cent of the families had a women head.
A man or woman alone constituted the family in 14 per cent of the 1932. In another 16.3 per cent of the families outside the wall, the family was a man with relatives.
For family composition analysis see Table 3.

2. DEATHS AND INJURIES DUE TO HOSTILITIES
NEMBER AND CAUSE
The figures here reported are for civilians, with the very alight possibility of the inclusion of a few scattered soldiers. The reports made in the Survey indicate that 3,250 were killed by military action under known circumstances. Of those killed 2,400 (74 per cent) were killed by soldiers' violence apart from military operations. 1 There is reason to expect under-reporting of deaths and violence at the hands of the Japanese soldiers, because of the fear of retaliation from the army of occupation. Indeed, under-reporting is cleary emphasized by the failure to record any violent deaths of young children, although not a few are known to have occurred.
Of the 3,100 receiving injuries under known circumstances, 3,050 (98 per cent) were definitely by soldiers' violence aside from warfare. There was a noticeable tendency to ignore injuries from which some sort fo recovery had been made. 2
89 per cent of the deaths and 90 per cent of the injuries by soldiers' violence occurred after December 13, when occupation of the city was entirely completed.
In addition to those reported killed and injured, 4,200 were taken away under military arrest. Persons seized for temporary carrying or other military labor were seldom so reported. Very few of those here mentioned were heard form in any way up to June. The fate of others reason to think that most of them were killed early in the period. 3
The figures for persons taken away are undoubtedly incomplete. Indeed, upon the original survey schedules, they were written in under the heading "Circumstances," within the topic of deaths and injuries; and were no called for or expected in the planning of the Survey. Thus they have an unusual
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1. "Military operation" is here used for shells, bombs, or bullets fired in battle.
2. Among the injuries reported to our Rehabilitation Commission by the 13,530 families applicants for relief, whom they investigated during March, was rape to the extent of 8 per cent of all females of 16-50 years. This figure is a serious under-statement, since most women who suffered such treatment would not volunteer the information, nor would their male relatives. While raping was such a common matter in December and January, people were much freer in admitting rape than under ordinary circumstances. But by March families were trying to hush up the fact that women in their families had been raped. The matter is mentioned here as illustrating the acute insecurity from which the social and economic life of the city has suffered.
3. The seriousness of "taking away" is underlined by the fact that all so listed are males. Actually many women were taken for shorter or longer service as waitresses, for laundry work, and as prostitutes. But not one of them is listed.

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significance, and are more important than the simple figures indicate. Thus, those 4,200 must contribute an important addition to the number killed by soldiers. 1
Ignoring many minor cases, the casualties of military operations and the sum of those killed and injured by soldiers’ violence, and of those taken away, represents 1 person in 23, or 1 in every 5 families.
The critical social and economic results of these killings are in part indicated by the following direct calculations form our listings. The number of women whose husbands were killed, injured, or taken away, was 4,400. 2 The number of children whose fathers were killed, injured, or taken away, was 3,250.
Of the 6,750 persons violently killed and injured, only 900 (or 13 per cent) came to grief through military operations.
The data on numbers of deaths and injuries are given in Table 4.

DISTRIBUTION BY SEX AND AGE
If we analyze by sex and age those who suffered violence or abduction, we find that the per cent of males in the killed and injured was for all ages 64, and reached for ages 30-44 the high percentage of 76, Able -bodied men were under suspicion of being ex-soldiers; many were killed for having callouses on their hands, supposed evidence of carrying rifles. Among the injured females, 65 per cent were between the ages of 15 and 29, although the terms and method of unquiry excluded rape per se.
A revealing picture of the tragedy is shown in the relatively large number of persons over 60 years old who were killed by soldiers: 28 per cent of all men so killed, and 39 per cent of the women. Elderly people were often the most reluctant to leave their homes in exposed areas, and they were considered in advance to be safe form wanton attack.
The men taken away were often accused, at least in form, of being ex-soldiers; or were used as carriers and laborers. Hence it is not surprising to find that 55 per cent of them were between the ages of 15 and 29 years; with another 36 per cent between 30 and 44 years.
The data on sex and age of deaths and injuries are given in Table 5.
3. EMPLOYMENT AND EARNIGS
FORMER CONDITION OF THE RESIDENTS SURVEYED
Among the represented population of 221,000, no less than 58,000 were formerly employed (53,000 men and 5,000 women), equaling 26 per cent of the total population, 33 pre cent of persons 10 years and over, 38 per cent of persons 15 years and over. The women (9per cent of the total formerly
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1. A careful estimate from the burials in the city and in areas adjacent to the wall, indicates 12,000 civilians killed by violence. The tens of thousands of unarmed or disarmed soldiers are not considered in these lists. Among the 13,530 applicant families investigated during March by the Committee’s Rehabilitation Commission, there were reported men taken away equivalent to almost 20 per cent of all males of 16-50 years of age. That would mean for the whole city population 10,860 men. There may well be an element of exaggeration in the statements of applicants for relief; but the majority of the difference between this figure and the 4,200 of the survey report is probably due to the inclusion of cases of detention or forced labor which the men are known to have survived.
2. The 13,530 applicant families investigated by our Rehabilitation Commission during March, reported data which indicate that 14 per cent of all women over 16 were widows.

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employed) were chiefly engaged in trade and general labor, secondarily in manufacturing and in domestic service.
Of all formerly employed, 34 per cent (20,000) were previously in trade; 18 per cent (10,500) in manufacturing and mechanical industries; 12 per cent 7 per cent (6,500) in domestic and personal service; 10 per cent (5,500) in agriculture; 7 per cent (4,000) in general labor; 6 per cent (3,500) in transportation: 5 per cent (3,000) in "combined shops" (that is, shops which both make and sell articles, and which therefore cannot be assigned exclusively to manufacturing or to trade); 3 per cent each (2,000) to public service not elsewhere classified and to professional service; 2 per cent (1,000) to clerical occupations.
The average daily earnings of the persons employed were $1.01 for the total. For those in trade, the average reported was $1.20; in manufacturing and mechanical industries, $1.08; in domestic and personal service, $0.96; in agriculture, $0.73; in general labor, $0.34. The average family income was $1.23 per day.
he data on former employment are given in Table 6.
CURRENT EMPLOYMENT AND INCOME
Employment and earning in March present a dismal picture by contrast with the report of former conditions for the same people. The total employed were 20,500 of whom950 (less than 5 per cent) were women. The 20,500 constituted 9 per cent of the whole population, 12 per cent of those 10 years and over, 14 per cent of those 15 years and over.
Of the total employed, 67 per cent (13,500) were in trade, 1 12 per cent (2,500) in agriculture; 5 per cent each (1,000) in manufacturing and mechanical industries, and in domestic and personal service; 4 per cent (1,000) in transportation; 3 per cent each (500) in combined shops and in general labor; less than 1 per cent each in public service not elsewhere classified and in professional service. The average earnings per day for the total were $0.32. Those engaged in trade reported $0.31; in agriculture, $0.20; in manufacturing and mechanical industries, $0.45; in transportation, $0.42; on combined shops, $0.22; in general labor, $0.25.
The rates of employment were lowest in the refugee camps and in the eastern section of the city. They were highest among the gardeners, 17 per cent of all ages 26 per cent of those 15 years and over, Traders were bunched in the Safety Zone, and in Cheng Hsi and Men Hsi, the first districts to open up noticeably; these three areas comprised roughly 40, 20, and 20 per cent of the relatively numerous traders. The Safety Zone still contained 33 per cent of all employed, with the other named areas 15 per sent each. The combined areas outside the wall had less than 5 per cent of all employed, and Cheng Tung less than 4.
The data on current employed are given in Table 7. The number of families reporting no earnings was 37,050, or 78 per cent of all families in the city.
The number of families reporting income insufficient
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1. Largely the petty peddling of daily necessities and the roadside selling of the remaining personal possessions of self or others.

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to maintain life was 44.650, or 94 per cent of all families. 2 Our observation agree with this picture. Life was continued by the use of buried hoards and other surviving accumulations; which were spread through kinship, friendship, and loans; and were supplemented by organized relief plus irregular releases from military storehouses, chiefly in the form of pay to a comparatively small number of labors.

COMPARISON OF PAST AND PRESENT
March employment was 35 per cent of former employment among the resident population reporting; and earnings of those employed were 32 per cent of former earnings. These two factors give a gross income for all residents equal to 11 per cent of former income. This gloomy figure corresponds to the observation of those who knew the situation closely. Family earning in March were on the average $0.14 per day, as compared with $1.23 in former times. Prices were low, but not low enough to help the situation greatly.
When we compare the groups of the employed, we find that those engaged in trade were two-thirds of the former number, but earnings were only 26 per cent of former earnings; those in agriculture, under one-half, with 27 per cent of former earnings; in domestic and personal service, under one-sixth, with 47 per cent of former income; in manufacturing and mechanical industries, under one-tenth, with 35 per cent of former income; in general labor, under one-eighth, but wages of those employed were 73 per cent of old wages. Public service employment practically disappeared, as did professional service; while clerical occupations literally were not found.

SOURCES OF FOOD
At any time the diet of the mass of the people in China is basically cereal. Under the economic conditions of March, that was true a fortiori; for the poorer people had practically nothing in the way of vegetable or oils, much less of meat or fruits. Aside from a handful of families that secured flour, all others were dependent upon rice, normally the major cereal of this region. Considering all sections of the city, 17 per cent of the people were getting their rice from food kitchens 1 (free, or at a nominal charge); 64 per cent from small private dealers; 14 per cent form stores conducted by the Self- Government Committee; 5 per cent from "others," which usually obscured the real source by interposing a friend or a relative.
Outside the wall no people could get food from the kitchens, while at the other extreme were 82 per cent of the people in the refugee camps, plainly among the poorest in the city, on the average. In the Safety Zone Area, 17
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1. 17 per cent of the population was nearly 38,000. This report on the use of the food kitchens checks very closely with the International Committee's records of feeding some 35,000 persons in late March, though minor corrections are to be made both ways because of other methods of food distribution and other organization to be considered.
2. The subsistence level was conservatively calculated at $0.26 per family per day. Gamble's How Chinese Families Live in Peiping, p. 326, shows 1.39 shih tan per month to be the family consumption of cereals from the median group down well toward the bottom of the families studied. Rice in late March sold for $10.63 per bag of 212.25 lb. From these data the figure of $0.26 per day is derived, ignoring fuel, shelter, clothing, or any food save the dominant cereal.

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per cent were dependent on the kitchens, and in Cheng Hsi 12; both districts were adjacent to the kitchens that were in operation.
The data on sources of food occur in Table 8.

4. LOSSES OF FAMILIES REMAIMING IN NANKING
MAIN ITEMS PER FAMILY AND IN TOTALS
The families remaining in Nanking during the war period were in general the poorer groups, though they included many small shop-owners and house-owners. A view of their losses shows most specifically the economic condition of resident Nanking people, though it is highly inadequate to indicate the total economic blow that the city suffered, quantitatively or qualitatively.
The average losses per family were $838, of which $271 was in buildings and $567 in movables, the latter divided almost equally between movables for economic uses (such as stock for sale, shop equipment, materials for manufacture, machinery and tools), and movables for domestic uses (such as clothing and bedding, household furniture and utensils, cash and jewelry, family food and supplies, and so forth). 1 Stocks for sale was a large item, $187 per family; shop equipment, $65. For these elements of the population, losses of machinery and materials for manufacture were relatively small. Clothing and bedding losses were heavy at $115, household furniture and utensils at $110. Food and supplies were listed at only $8, cash and jewelry at $10, indications both of moderate reporting and of the poverty of many of the families.
The total losses reported in the family investigation are big enough, though they touch only a relatively poor fraction of the City. Practically $40,000,000 was recorded chiefly in the following items; buildings, 13 millions; stock for sale, 9; shop equipment, 3; for clothing and bedding, 5 millions, as also for furniture and utensils.
When the total losses of families remaining in Nanking are analyzed by causes, they show that 2 per cent were due to military operations, 52 to fire, 33 to military looting and 9 to other robbery, with 4 per cent unknown. Fire indicted almost ail the building loss, but only 31 per cent of the loss in movables, Indeed, nearly half the movables lost were taken by soldiers, and a seventh by others. The military robbery comprised over $6,000,000 of movables for economic uses, and nearly $7,000,000 of movables for domestic uses, blows each in its own way disastrous to the daily life of the Nanking population.
The data for family looses by main items and cause are given in Table 9,

DISTRIBUTION BY SECTION AND BY CAUSE
If the total losses $40,000,000 of families resident in Nanking during March are assigned to the districts of the original addresses of those families (where most of the losses occurred), the results are as follows: Cheng Tung $12 millions, Men Tung 7, Cheng Hsi 6, Men Hsi and Cheng Pei Tung, each 5; others small. The total losses were divided between business and residence properties as $19 millions against $21 millions. In the more important districts, fire losses were proportionately heaviest in Men Tung, 66 per cent of all losses; in Cheng Tuna, 62; and lightest in Cheng Hsi and Men Hsi, 34 and 38 per cent of all losses. The differences in causation of loss for business and for residential
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1. All money figures are in Chinese currency.

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properties were not sharply marked. As might be expected, this Population did not share largely in the big fire losses of the main commercial and industrial districts; thus their fire losses in business properties were 21 per cent of all their losses and in all properties; but were greater in residential properties, 30 per cent.
The data for family losses by section of city are given in Table 10.

5. TOTAL LOSSES OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION BY COUNT OF BUILDINGS
The total count of street-numbers is 39,200 of which 30,500 are inside the wall and 8,700 outside. The three crowded areas of Cheng Hsi, Men Hsi, and Men Tung had nearly 60 per cent of the buildings inside the wall (17,700); indeed, 45 per cent of the grand total.
Report of destruction of damage to building was made only when the injury was sufficiently obvious from the street to call the attention of the investigator. In a number of specific examples we know of injury that was not recorded, but prefer to leave the figures as moderate as possible.
Of all buildings, 2 per cent were destroyed or damaged by military operations; 24 by fire; and additional 63 per cent by looting: a total of 89 per cent by all causes, leaving 11 per cent without obvious injury. It must be noted that most of the buildings burned within the city were thoroughly, even systematically stripped of their contents before the burning; and that practically without exception the fortunate 11 per cent were entered by soldiers who robbed to some degree, later followed by civilian thieves in unoccupied buildings.
Outside the wall, 62 per cent of the buildings were burned, even 78 per cent in the case of Tungchimen. Inside the wall, the percentage was 13, ranging from 29 in Men Tung down to 0.6 in the Safety Zone and 3.5 in the sparsely built Cheng Pei.
Military operations had noticeable effects only in the south and east parts of the city, and in ShuihSimen; though some cases must have been obscured in the areas severely burned. Looting grossly affected 73 per cent of the buildings within the wall, but is reported for only 27 per cent outside the wail, where so much was burned, reaching 84 per cent in Hsiakwan. Inside areas ran as high as 96 per cent for Chen Pei and 85 for Cheng Pei Tung; the only one below 65 was the Safety Zone Area, in which the low report of 9 per cent appears for buildings showing damage by looting.
If we turn to consider the damage by all causes according to sections, we find that inside areas averaged 88 per cent of buildings affected, outside areas 90. Cheng Pei reported the dismal figure of 99.2 per cent; and indeed all the inside areas were above 90 save the Safety Zone with 10 and Men Hsi with 78. Outside areas touched 99.7 in the case of Tungchimen and 98 in that of Hsiakwan, while ShuihSimen was favored with only 70.
The data on count of buildings damaged or looted are given in Table 11.

TOTAL VALUTES DESTROYED, BY ITEMS AND SECTION OF CITY
The building investigation shows a grand total of losses of buildings and contents for all sections of $246,000,000, of which $143 millions were in-
―　12 ―

curred outside the walls, and $103 millions inside. The grand total consisted first of 58 per cent movables ($143 millions), in which movables for economic uses were $114 millions, and movables for domestic uses were $29 million; and secondly of 42 per cent buildings, amounting to $103 millions. 1
The loss in economic movables was especially heavy outside the walls, amounting to $82 millions there as against $32 millions inside while on the other hand, movables for domestic uses were $23 millions within the walls and only $7 millions outside. Buildings were a little heavier outside, $55 millions against $48 millions.
When we analyze specific items in percentages of the grand total, we find that stock for sale was 30 per cent ($74 millions); shop equipment 6 per cent ($16 millions), approximated by machinery and tools with $14 millions; materials for manufacturing were 4 per cent ($10 millions); ricshas were less than 0.1 per cent ($270 thousands). Clothing and bedding accounted for a per cent ($11 millions); household furniture and utensils for nearly 4 per cent ($9 millions); family food and supplies for 0.7 per cent ($2 millions); cash and jewelry for 0.3 per cent ($700 thousand) ; bicycles for a little less; "others" for nearly 3 per cent (over $6 millions). Almost all the machinery and tool losses occurred outside the wall, as also most of the material for manufacturing and two-thirds of the shop equipment and stock for sale.
In the classification of losses of buildings and contents according to sections of the city, there are a number of points of importance. By far the heaviest total was in Hsiakwan, the largely destroyed center of transportation, storage, and manufacturing: $117 millions. Cheng Tung, Men Tung, and Men Hsi ranged from $26 millions down to $2O millions; Tungchimen reported $16 millions and Cheng Pei Tung14 millions. The smallest total losses were the Safety Zone with $4 millions and the notoriously poor area outside Shuihsimen.
Of the $117 millions lost in Hsiakwan, 69 was in economic movables, and 42 in buildings. No other area lost as much as $10 millions in economic movables, though several were above 6. After Hsiakwan, the next heaviest losers in buildings were Cheng Tung and Men Tang, with $13 and 12 millions respectively. The Safety Zone was lowest, with $551 thousands. As might be expected, there was no great concentration of losses in domestic movables, most of the areas ranged from $5 to 2 millions.
The data for total values destroyed by items and section of the city are given in Table 12.

CAUSES OF LOSS: TOTALS AND MAIN ITEMS
Of the grand (or wretched) total of all losses, $246,000,000, one per cent ($3 millions) was due to military operations, which chiefly affected buildings. 67 per cent ($165 millions) was caused by fire, including 97 minions in buildings, 80 millions in stock for sale, 13 millions in machinery and tools, 10 millions in shop equipment. 31 per cent ($75 millions) of all losses were due to robbery, including 41 millions of stock for sale, 9 millions of clothing and bedding, 5 millions of shop equipment.
The data on causes of loss are given in Table 13.

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1. The similarity of these two sets of figures is fortuitous but true.

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LOSSES FROM BUSINESS PROPERTIES AND RESIDENCE
PROPERTIES DISTINGUISHED
The total losses of buildings and contents, $246,000,000, were reported as $210 millions from business properties and $36 millions from residence Properties. Of the S210 millions of losses incurred by business properties, 131 millions were outside the wall, 110 of them in Hsiakwan and 15 near Tungchimen. Of the $79 millions in business losses inside the wall, 23 occurred in Cheng rung, 16 each in Men Hsi and Men Tung; 10 in Cheng Pei Tung; the Smallest losses of this type were in the Safety Zone Area, $2 millions.
The $36 millions lost in residence properties were divided into 24 millions inside and 12 millions outside the wall. Inside there were $6 millions in Men Tune, and 4 each in Men Hsi and Cheng Pei Tung; the other areas ran from 2 to 3. Of the $12 millions in residential losses outside the wall, 7 were in Hsiakwan and 3 in Chunghwamen.
If cause is considered, the heavy business losses are classified as follows: due to military operations, 1 per cent; to fire, 69 per cent; to looting, 29 per cent. The relatively lighter losses in residential properties were due to these factors: military operations, 4 per cent; fire, 59 per cent; looting, 37 per cent. The differences are explicable in part by the fact that many residences lay close to the gates seriously attacked in the southeast portion of the wall; and, for' the more important cause of fire, to the deliberate burning of extensive commercial and industrial sections.
The data comparing losses from business and residence properties are given in Table 14.

LOSSES ON MAIN COMMERCIAL STREETS
In order to understand more clearly one aspect of the economic plight of the pity not adequately reached by the family or general building investigations, the condition and losses on 8 of the main commercial streets were listed separately for examination (though of course they are included in all general totals, and do not constitute an additional loss). These 8 streets comprised over 2,800 numbers, an average of 350 per street. They lie mainly in the southeast quadrant of the walled city.
2.7 per cent of the buildings were damaged by military operations, 33 per cent by fire, 54 per cent by additional looting (most of the burned stores were casually looted by soldiers, then regularly stripped-by the use of fleets of military trucks); making 89 per cent to suffer from all causes. Considering all causes, Pal Hsia, Chung Hwa, Chien Kang, And Tai Ping Roads were destroyed or damaged to the extent of 97 and 98 per cent of the buildings; the others, 70 to 80 per cent. From the positive side, 11 per cent escaped serious damage.

When we consider the individual streets according to the havoc wrought by different methods, we find that military operations were most obvious in Chung Cheng Road (6 per cent of buildings) and in Chung Shan Road (6 per cent), while in some they were insignificant or not reported at all. The percentage of injury by fire was greatest in Tat Ping Road with 68, followed by Chung Hwa arid Chien Kang Road with 51 and 47 respectively. Looting in

―　14 ―

buildings not burned was naturally the converse of are injury, since most of the preserved buildings have to be listed as looted. In Tai Ping Road only 27 per cent of the buildings are recorded as looted, as against 76 in Chung Cheng and Chu Chiao Road.
The losses of buildings and contents on the 8 main commercial Streets within the city reached a figure just short of $50,000,000, of which $47,000,000 was in commercial buildings and their contents. In the report just following, it should be remembered that percentages and differences among the streets are listed in terms of dollars' worth of property lost, not in numbers of buildings as in the items of preceding paragraphs. Chung Hwa Road lost most heavily, with $12,500,000, a fourth of the total for the 8 streets; Chung Cheng Road, $11,000,000; Tai Ping Road, $9,000,000; Chung Shan Road, $6,000,000; Chien Kang and Pai Hsia Roads, $4,000,000 each; Sheng Chow Road, $2,000,000; Chu Chiao Road (the southern extension of Tal Ping Road), $1,000,000.
If the money losses on the 8 Streets are divided by causes, we find 0.7 per cent by military operations, 65 per cent by fire, 28 by additional looting, 6 reported as unknown. When individual streets are considered, Chien Kang Road reported 98 per cent of losses due to fire, Chung Cheng Road 87, Chung Hwa 77, Pai Hsia 69. For additional looting, the streets appear in the converse order, since unburned property is now the subject; Chu Chiao Road 72 per cent of losses due to looting, Chung Shan Road 61, Sheng Chow 47, Tai Ping 29. For Tai Ping, Sheng Chow, and Chu Chiao Roads in particular, sizable percentages are recorded as unknown, doubtless a combination of fire and looting, which must be to some extent interfused in all reports under these two headings.
The data on losses on main commercial streets are shown in Tables 15 and 16.

LOSSES OF BUILDINGS AND CONTENTS PER FAMILY OF
ORIGINAL RESIDENTS
The weight of total losses may be in part appreciated by an estimate of their extent per family of the original population, which can be calculated with fair approximation. 1 In a sense these figures are academic, since they include the few public buildings destroyed and some important institutional properties, while excluding personal, public, and institutional property removed before the taking of the city. Yet they serve both to bring down figures of hundreds of millions to thinkable concreteness, and to correct the misleading impression given by the low reports from the relatively poor families remaining in Nanking.
The total loss reports show an average per family of $1,262, of which $527 was in buildings, $582 in economic movables, $152 in domestic movables.The economic movables comprised $377 worth of stock for sale, $80 of shop equipment, $73 of machinery and tools, $51 of materials for manufacture, $1 in ricshas. The domestic movables comprised $58 worth of clothing and bedding, $44 of household furniture and utensils, $9 of family food and supplies, $4 of cash and jewelry, $S of bicycles.
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1. We find a close check between direct use of the factors of total loss, population considered, and number of persons per family; And on the other hand loss Per house-number divided by our figures of 4.9 families per house-number in the original population considered.

―　15 ―

The data on losses per family of original residents are shown in the right hand column of Table 13.
COMPARISON OF LOSSES REPORTED FROM THE; FAMILY INVESTIGATION
AND THE BUILDING INVESTIGATION
When the losses per family of the original population are compared with the losses of the families remaining in Nanking, it is seen that the buildings are nearly doubled ($527 to $271), and movables for economic uses are actually doubled ($582 to $291), while domestic movables are almost halved ($152 to $276). These reports fairly represent the two situations: the total losses for the entire city were a half greater per family of its population than were the losses for the families remaining in Nanking ($1,262 to $838). The city-wide losses included the larger properties of all types: commercial, industrial, institutional. On the other hand, many domestic goods were removed by those who migrated; and losses of the domestic goods which they left in Nanking could not be adequately reported.
The data for comparison of losses for families remaining in Nanking and for all families in the original population may be found in Tables 9 and 13.

―　16 ―

II. AGRICULTURAL SURVEY
The Agricultural Survey attempted to cover the Ningshu Area, a natural and historical unit of six hsien grouped around Nanking. Two of the hsien, Kiangpu and Luho, lie north of the Yangtze River; while to the south are Kiangning (in which Nanking is located), Kuyung, Lishui, and Kaoshun. Owing to conditions explained in Appendix A on Organization and Method, Kaoshun and half of Luho could not be investigated in March. The 4.5 hsien included in the survey had at that time a maximum of 1,080,000 farm population, probably 1,200,000 to 1,350,000 before the war. They also included market towns which originally had some 275,000 inhabitants 1 and the city of Nanking, formerly with a million, shrunken to approximately 250,000 in March. Thus the whole population of the 4.5 hsien was roughly a million and a half in March (the people of the market towns, however, do not enter the scope of the Surveys). The land area of the 4.8 hsien is 2,438 sq. m., 1 about that of the State of Delaware or of two fair-sized English counties. Of this area, almost exactly one-third is cultivated, 819 sq. m, 2 It is important to note the bulk of Kiangning Hsien in the Agricultural Survey, It comprises 41 per cent of the cultivated area in the 4.6 hsien, and almost the same percentage of the total farm population.

1. FARM LOSSES
EXTENT AND SIGNIFICANCE
The five types of farm losses reported (buildings, labor animals, major farm implements, stored grain, crops destroyed) totalled nearly $4l,000,000 in the four and one-half hsien, or $220 per family. It is important to note that the approximate annual income of a farm family in East Central China, as indicated by Buck's figure for the value of all goods consumed per year by an average family, is $289. 3 The margin of savings and possible rate of accumulating farm capital are so small that the loss of three-fourths of a year's income is a fearful blow to farm families, both in productive power and in standard of life. 4 Losses of $220 per family in the present calamity may be compared with the 1931 flood losses of $457, 5 and the 1932 war losses of $147. 6 (Both the
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1. Estimated from Buck's figures in Land Utilization in China, Statistics, P.417.
2. Buck, Statistics, P. 24, shows the correct government figures to be 6315 sq. km. and 2122 sq km., respectively, from which the sq. m. are now caluculated.
3. Buck, Chinese Farm Economy, P. 387. All money figures are in Chinese currency.
4. On data of fifteen years ago (from only three localities, and at lower valuations and prices than he has recently given) Buck reports a farm capital for Kiangsu averaging $478. This figure includes buildings, livestock, supplies, farm equipment, not land and trees. Total capital with land he gives as $1,775, subject of course to problems of tenancy and mortgage. Chinese Farm Economy, p.57 For Kiangning Hsien, so large an element in the Ningshu area, a current estimate of $743 is given for the average former's buildings, implements, livestock, and furniture. R. T. Ts'ui, Land Classification of Kiangning Hsien, soon to be published in "Economic Facts."
5. The 1931 Flood in China, p.13.
6. By anothcr calculation, $135 per family.

―　17 ―

surveys of 1931 and of 1932 included many smaller items not reported this year; and the unit prices used in 1931 are much above the low ones now employed). Lishui Hsien suffered the heaviest losses per family, $302; the large and populous Kiangning, $251; Luho only $111; Kuyung rising to $147; and Kiangpu to $239, nearest to the general average of $220.
BUILDINGS
Buildings alone coｍprised 59 per cent of the total reported losses, $129 per family. This means that 1.7 chien 1 of buildings per family, or two-fifths of all farm buildings in the area, were destroyed―most of them by burning. Building losses were particularly heavy in Lishui, 2.8 chien per family; in Kiangpu, 2; and in Kiangning, 1.9. The total number of chien destroyed was 308,000 valued at $24,000,000.
LABOUR ANIMALS
Labor animals were second in importance among the types of losses, accounting for 16 per cent of the total, and 0.66 of an animal per family. The latter figure seems high, particularly the portion of it relating to water-buffaloes. In the 1931 flood, the general average for labor animals lost was 0.44 per family, counting the three kinds of animals listed in this survey. 2 Buck reports a normal figure for the Yangtze rice-wheat area of only 0.71, but 1.20 for the important Kiangning hsien, 3 the only one of our hsien there recorded. War losses of animals were proportionately higher in Kiangning (0.84), and in Kiangpu and Luho. For the whole area, the loss was 123,000 head (buffaloes, oxen, donkeys), valued at $6,700,000 or $36 per family. 4
FARM IMPLEMENTS
Farm implements represented 13 per cent of all reported losses, and amounted to 3.55 items per family. It appears that most of these losses were　of the wooden portions of the implements, burned with the buildings or taken for fuel; the wooden element is largest in the indispensable and costly manybladed pumps for the irrigation of rice-fields. (0.6 per family). Present losses of the principal tools appear to be a half greater than in the flood of 1931. 5 Buck gives 6.5 items for the normal average (Yangtze Rice-wheat Area, mediumsize farms) of the types of implements listed in this survey. 6 Implement losses were heaviest in Kiangning and Lishui, medium in Kiangpu. For the whole area, the loss was 661,000 implements, valued at $5,240,000 or $28 per family. 7
STORED GRAIN
Stored grain counted 10 per cent of all losses, and in quantity amounted to 1,100,000 shih tan, or 6.1 shih tan per family; of which half was rice, a sixth wheat, and a sixth soybeans. Kuyung, at 7.5 shih tan per family, Lishui at 7.2, and Kiangning at 6,1, suffered most severely; Luho very lightly at 2.7. The
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1. A chien is the space between main rafters, averaging about 11' x 16'. Farm residences often contain 4 chien. other farm buildings 2 chien. See Table 17 Note 1.
2. The 1931 Flood in China, p. 17.
3. Buck, Statistics, P. 122-l23.
4. Buck many years ago indicated for Kiangsu Province a normal inventory amounting to $53. Chinese Farm Economy, P. 57.
5. The 1931 Flood in China. p.18.
6. Statistics, p, 396.
7. Buck earlier reported for Kiangsu Province a normal equipment value of $64.Chinese Farm Economy. p.57.

―　18 ―

average family in the war areas of 1932.lost just over 2 shih tan. The average loss in the flood of 1931 was 4.2 piculs (5.1 shih tan). 1 The recent grain losses reached a value of $4,200,000, or $22 per family. 2

DESTROYED CROPS
Crops destroyed were fortunately a small loss, only 2 per cent of the total. For the winter wheat, like some of the younger women, was partly hidden in the ground during the worst period, Yet this item, relatively small though it was, indicates a real burden upon farm families. More than 8 per cent of the area planted to wheat was destroyed, chiefly by the soldiers' feeding of animals. In Kiangning and Kuyung the crop from 40 to 50 per cent of the intensively cultivated vegetable plots was lost to the farmer. The area of all winter crops destroyed was proportionately highest in Kuyung, 1.4 mow per family; and lowest in Kiangning, 0.62. The total area destroyed was 137,200 mow, or 0.85 per family; the total value $785,000 or $4 per family. The types of recent war losses differ from those of the 1931 flood as fire from water. Counting in values, buildings destroyed in the present calamity are 31 times the crops ($129 per family, as against $4). In 19S1, crops were twice the buildings ($215 per family, as against $108). 3 The 1932 war areas (rural) near Shanghai resembled Ningshu of the past few months, showing building losses as 28 times Crops ($97 as against $3.50). The data regarding farm losses are reported in Tables 18, 19, 20, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, of which the first three are general.

2. WINTER CROPS AND SPRING SEED
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD PRODUCTION IN THIS AREA
The importance of food production in this area, and its bearing upon relief needs, is emphasizcd by two facts. First, the 4.5 hsien here studied have an abnormally large city and town population. Even in the depleted condition of Nanking, it had at least 67,000 families, about one-fourth the number of a year ago; the market towns normally have 53,400 families, from which an unknown number should be subtracted for war migrants; the farm families originally numbered 186,000, from which a possible 30 per cent were absent in March as families, and an additional 11 per cent as individuals. 4 If we add these three figures, without making allowances, to form a total for the area, it exaggerates the importance of the farm families; yet even on this basis, they number only 61 per cent of the total, as against 22 for Nanking and 17 for the market towns. Compare the percentages for the Yangtze Rice-wheat Area as a whole: farms 83; cities 5; market towns. 12. 5 Secondly, transport of food from a distance has been practically impossible under war conditions, and there is scant improvement in sight. Most of the rice brought into Nanking this spring has come from Lishui and Kaoshun.
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1. The 1931 Flood in China. P.12.
2. In the prices of fifteen years ago. Buck valued the normal inventory of grain in Kiangsu province as $29. Chinese Farm Economy, P. 57.
3. The 1931 Flood in China, p. 13.
4, Cf. Table 21, Note (****) and reference. Also Appendix B. 5, Buck, Land Utilization in China, p. 365.

―　19 ―

WINTER CROPS: THEIR SIGNIFICANCE
A large part of the cultivated land in this area in normally put into winter crops. 3 For Ningshu, Lin says 70 to 80 per cent; 4 for the Yangtze Rice-wheat Area, Buck reports 62 per cent, and for Kiangning Hsien, 5 92; for Kiangning, Ts'ui in his recent and close study, says 65 per cent. 6 In general, the winter crop is followed by a summer crop on the same land; while the remainer of cultivated land grows a spring crop. Thus, in use of land, the winter crops represent 40 or more per cent of all crops, and are a large factor in the farm economy as well as in food production for the whole community.

EXTENT OF LAST FALL'S PLANTING
Last autumn's planting of winter crops was 1,629,000 mow (8,75 per family), or 47 per cent of the cultivated land. If we follow Ts'ui, whose figure seems the best-founded in itself and is supported by the best of Buck's figures (the regional one), this would mean that 47/65, or 72 per cent of normal planting, was carried out. War conditions of active preparations and of bombing, prevailed through portions of this region all through the autumn, and became acute at some points before the normal planting time. Moreover, the weather was unusually dry, another cause of delay which pushed some farmer along till early December, when the full calamity came and field work was impossible, Of the planting, 64 per cent was in wheat, 20 per cent in barley.

DESTRUCTION OF CROPS; OTHER SHORTAGE
Of the winter crops planted, 9 per cent are reported as destroyed. The estimated losses were 172,000 shih tan, or in money $765,000. Kuyung Hsien lost most heavily, 18 per cent; Kiangpu only 4; the remainder not far from the average. The different crops suffered at about the same level, save 33 per cent for the intensively cultivated and not inconsiderable plots of vegetables, which were persistently attractive to soldiers, as were the other crops to military horses.
On the area planted but not destroyed (72 per cent of normal, discounted 9 per cent, leaving 65 per cent of normal) farmers expected 63 per cent of normal crops, fairly uniform according to grains. Remarkably dry weather prevailed until March; and there was also minor injury not to be classed as destruction, along with excess of weeds. Nevertheless, the expectation seems low, and this percentage may be colored by the farmers' thoughts of their total yield in ordinary times. To that extent, this figure represents a comprehensive estimate of expectations and shortage. However, the questions were sharply stated, and the investigators and farmers tried to provide the proper answers. If we take 63 per cent of the remaining 65 per cent of normal planting, the result would be an expectation of 41 per cent of the ordinary crop. Perhaps the truth lies between the percentages of 41 and 63. Two later factors must be mentioned. Beginning in March, there was better rainfall, with marked
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1. In the following paragraphs, unless otherwise specified, wheat, barley, rapeseed, broadbeans, and field peas are considered; in certain of the tables, vegetables are also recorded.
2. D. Y. Lin. letter March 2, 1938.
3. Statistics, p. 207.
4. Land Classification of Kiangning Hsien.

―　20 ―

improvement of the prospects. But in June the rainfall has been excessive at the time of wheat harvest in some localities, with great spoilage before threshing.

EXPECTED CROP IN TERMS OF CONSUMPTION
What does the harvest of wheat and barley mean in provision of food for the population of the hsien studied and the city population linked with them? It is expected to provide 3.40 shih tan of grain per family, which would feed them for less than seven weeks, according to grain consumption reports by Buck and by Gamble for farm and city populations, respectively. 1
The data regarding winter crops are found in Tables 21, 30, 31, 32, of which 21 is general.

SHORTAGE OF SEED
Data on this subject are perhaps the least satisfactory in the survey, and they are not counted in the list of losses (where they are of course involved in the losses of stored grain). Answers to inquiries, even assuming that questions were skilfully pressed, concerned estimates and wants rather than plain statements of fact; and in several items seed was also food, in a time of scarcity and uncertainty. Nevertheless the results of the survey were very moderate, and on the whole gave confidence in the essential integrity of farmers and investigators. The requirements reported total $2.87 per family, under 0.9 shih tan. Comppare the 1931 flood data, which show a total want of winter and spring seeds in terms of 2.7 piculs (3.3 shih tan), of which spring seeds were 1.67 piculs (2,1 shih tan), the latter alone more than double the reports of the present inquiry. 3

EVALUATION OF SEED REQUIREMENTS
Farmers reported that they intended to plant, on the average, nearly mow per family of the 18.5 mow which they ordinarily would put into rice; and that they needed seed to the extent of almost 5 shih chin per mow of the intended planting. Was such an estimate unreasonable? Buck gives seed use as 5 per cent of total rice production in the Yangtze Rice-wheat Area, which on the base of most frequent yield works out at 19.3 shih chin per Kiangning mow.3 Ts'ui's recent data for Kiangning would give 26.6 shih chin. 4 Traditional allowances are lower. In any case, the farmers' figures do not seem excessive.
Among the types 0f 8Ced required, rice represented 66 per cent by value, and soybeans 20. Total value was $570,000, of which $376,000 was rice. It is inferred that there were serious individual and local difficulties, but that by one means or another most of the families affected could find some Way of secur
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1. Statistics, p, 417, shows 239.450 families in the 4.5 hsien, including town families. We count 67,000 families in Nanking, making a total of 306,450 families. The average consumption of grain per farm family of 5.79 individuals, is 2.3 shih tan per month, based on the averages of three localities in South Kiangsu (Wutsin 1, Wutsin 2, and Changshu) as given in Statistics pp; 105,107. For the city families, Gamble's figures for a median income group (which extends with slight change down even to $10 per month) are employed, working out at 1.39 shih tan. The weighted average of these two types of consumption is 2.1 shih tan monthly for all families in the area considered. How Chinese Families Live in peiping, p. 326.
2. The 1931 Flood in China, p. 80.
3. Statistics, pp. 238, 210.
4. Land Classification of Kiangning Hsien, soon to appear in "Economic Facts."

―　21 ―

ing heed for the fields they would be able to prepare for cultivation under the conditions of this spring.
The data regarding seed requirements are reported in Table 22.

3. THE WAR AND PERSONS
MIGRATION FROM THE FARMS
Investigators' reports show that 133,000 members of farm families resident in March (11 per cent of the estimated original members of those families) had left and had not returned. It must be remembered that possibly three times as many persons in entire families were still away; but we cannot accurately consider them because of inadequate information. (See Appendix B.). Of the 133,000 migrants, 111,000 were from Kiangnig, 11,000 from Lishui, and 8,000 from Luho. The absent members from Kiangning were 20 per cent of the estimated total original population; perhaps this hsien was especially high because of its proximity to Nanking, the abundance of communications, and the association of individuals directly or indirectly with the government and private enterprises so largely removed before December 1937. 1

LABOR SHORTAGE
Separate inquiries were made as to the original number of laborers in the family, the actual number of laborers, and the number expected back soon. The results show the actual shortage of laborers to be serious in Kiangning, 19 per cent; but the majority of absentee laborers were expected to return soon, leaving a predicted shortage of 18,000 or 7 per cent of the original number of laborers. For the 4.5 hsien, the actual shortage was 15 per cent; the expected shortage, 8 per cent or 42,800. The expected shortage was highest in Lishui, 12 per cent; and in Luho, 11. (Again see Appendix B for the possible shortage　through the absence of whole families.2
Data on migration and labor supply are recorded in Table 23.

DEATHS BY VIOLENCE
The total deaths reported were 31,000 or 29 per 1,000 residents for the 100 days covered, at the rate of 106 per annum. Compare the normal death rate for China of 27 per annum. 3 87 per cent of the deaths were caused by violence, most of them the intentional acts of soldiers. One was killed in every seven families, equivalent to a total of some 1,700,000 killings if the same rate were applied to the rural families of the United States; over 8,000,000 among the farm families of all China; perhaps 800,000 among the strictly defined farm families of Japan proper. The conditions of this region and the methods of the survey were such as practically to exclude soldiers of any sort, though it is possible that a few local men acting as police or guards were included. The
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1. Migration within the hsien. or within this group of hsien, would leave the family within the net of this survey insofar as the sampling is satisfactory; though some escape in the hills is probable. In the 1931 flood, the total migration of families and of individuals showed more than 70 per cent of migrants remaining within the same hsien; and, apparently, a little more than 20 per cent migrating to other hsien, whether or not adjoining ones. The 1931 Flood in China, pp. 27, 33.
2. It is interesting to note the report of 2.8 laborers in an average family originally numbering 6.5. This suggests that according to the farmers' own interpretation of the terrm “laborer” there are some 43 per cent of the family to be so considered.
3. Land Utilization in China, p. 338.

―　22 ―

rate of killing was highest in Kiangpu, 45 per 1,000 in the 100 days; Kuyung 37, Kiangning 21, the others 15 and 12; for the 4.5 hsien, 25.The per cent of males among the killed was terrific, especially up to 45 years, and amounted to 84 per cent of the killed for all ages. Among the 22,490 males killed, those falling between 15 and 60 years were 80 per cent, a real drain upon economic strength. Among the 4,380 females killed, 83 per cent were above 45 years. More of the younger women migrated in search of safety, or were kept out of harm's way in times of obvious danger; while old women did more than their share of guard duty, as supposably less liable to attack than young women or able-bodied men.

DEATHS BY SICKNESS
Deaths from sickness were reported as very low, totalling 4,080 or 3.8 per thousand residents in the 100 days. This is apparently a serious under-reporting; none at all was recorded under the age of 5 years, for example. A similar tendency is noticeable in normal times, and in the past winter attention was inevitably centered upon the great number of abnormal deaths. It is also possible that some deaths by sickness were confused with the killed, though the original questions presented the two as alternatives; and the margin of this confusion, as tested by comparison with the normal death rate, could not have been large enough to affect in noticeable degree the number reported as killed.The 100 days occurred in a healthy season with unusually mild and fair weather, after two successive years of big harvests. It is plain that there was no epidemic or extraordinary disease.In the great flood of 1981, deaths were reported at the rate of 22 per 1,000 during an almost identical period of time; of the deaths, 70 per cent were definitely attributed to disease, and 24 per cent to drowning. 1 The present survey indicates only 12 per cent from sickness, which could at most be doubled by complete reporting. This only serves to emphasize the extent of the killings.Data on deaths are reported in Tables 24 and 25.

4. EFFECTS OF WAR: FARMS AND CITY COMPARED
Although before the war the rural population of the 4.5 hsien studied was not much greater than that of Nanking, at the period of the survey in March it was more than four times as great. While the remaining farm families lost only dome 11 per cent of their members by migration. and possibly as many as 30 per cent went away and stayed away as entire families; the city lost by migration 14 per cent of the members of remaining families, and some 75 per cent of the original families entire. The surveyed population in Nanking was 221,000, as against 1,078,000 in the farm villages.On the farms, one resident in every 7 families was killed. In the city, one resident in every 5 families was killed, injured, or taken away; which works out to about an equal degree of social evil and distress.The total farm losses were $41,000,000, with no domestic property reported. The total losses for families remaining in Nanking were $40,000,000; while those of buildings and contents for the entire city were $246,000,000.

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1. The 1931 Flood in China, p. 37.

―　23―

The farm losses per family (domestic property not considered) were $220, of which buildings were $129. Among the city population remaining, all losses per family were $838, of which buildings accounted for 271, stock for sale $187, and domestic movables $276. Total city losses divided among original families would run to $1,262, of which buildings counted for $527 stock for $377, and domestic movables $152.
It is not possible to compute the losses of farm and city in ratio to their respective total property values. It seems, however, that the farmer's losses do not weigh so heavily against his major property, land; as do the city people's losses against their total property. In any case, the farmer's basic capital for production has not been destroyed; while many city people have lost all important material means of production. These comments are not intended to lessen appreciation for the suffering and hardships of the large farm population; but merely to suggest that the average farmer has left to him more to struggle with and more to struggle for, than the average denizen of Nanking in this year of distress.

―　24―

Ⅲ. RESULTS OF THE SURVEY IN THEIR BEARING UPON
RELIEF NEEDS AND RELIEF PROGRAM

The loss of 40 per cent of all farm buildings is a critical blow at the farmer's capital, his standard of living, and his productive power. Some families or parts of families have been delayed in their return to the land because of lack of housing; that means shortage of labor, lessened production, even further worsening through neglect or robbery in the farmer's absence. Moreover, the preservation and care of animals, implements, and stored crops is affected by deficiency of buildings. In recent heavy rains, some farmers were unable to prevent their cut wheat from spoiling before threshing, and did not even have a place for improvised indoor threshing.

Working power is affected by shortage of laborers, of animals, and if implements. Deficiency of laborers is due (1) to irremediable deaths and injuries and to suck war migration as will not be reversed in a few months; (2) more largely, to personal insecurity, especially for women. Improvement in such matters depends upon the purpose and the quality of government, a field which relief workers do not enter. Both animals and implements are insufficient, though farmers have done well in exchange and borrowing and cooperation, to make the most of what they have. Direct aid for the bringing in of animals, tools, and wood needed for handles and blades for implements, is desirable. Credits to assist in purchases, and in maintenance of breeding stock and young animals, are widely needed. In principle, and usually in practice, credit can be most usefully and most safely extended through cooperative societies.

Seed does not appear to be a separate problem henceforward. However, grain is the staple food; and serious shortage of food would press some farmers hard for seed.

The current wheat crop is seriously below normal, hurting farm incomes, and constituting a factor in the total food problem. Nevertheless, old supplies of various grains seem adequate to carry, till the autumn rice-harvest, all who have a little purchasing power or credit. More significant is the question of the coming rice crop, which cannot be accurately answered without further inquiry in July after the completion of transplanting. Interrogation of farmers and travelers from different localities brings a picture of wide variation: at many points a practically normal planting; at others a distressing deficiency.

Farmers are scarcely able to restore their injured capital and productive power, while short in those same necessities, and while working under conditions which in part are still those of war and military occupation. For example, as soon as spring crops were in around Nanking many farmers sold their buffalo for slaughter rather than take the risk of keeping the animal. Much less is there any margin against flood or drouth. After two years of excellent harvests, chanceful nature does not guarantee the next two. Indeed, there is already

―　25 ―

great concern over the probability of flood in this Ningshu area sprawled across and along the Great River, excessively drenched in June rains and threatened by the extraordinary levels of the Middle and Upper Yangtze, plus the complication of the Yellow and Hwai waters through the Grand Canal (which overload the out-flow from the Lower Yangtze.)

In thinking of this years relief problem by comparison with that of the flood in 1931, there is the apparent difference that then there was one government concerned with the problem as a whole, and putting large resources into relief. Under existing conditions there are various authorities (in some sections none), the more important of which are so intensely concerned with military and political operations, and are receiving so little of regular revenue from the localities considered, that relatively small efforts at relief have been made thus far. Surely the facts themselves appeal to all present authorities, however constituted, to do their utmost in constructive aid to farmers. Such aid is not only a humanitarian necessity but will strengthen the economic basis of the community and of the government itself, and will be worth infinitely more than propaganda in securing the good will and cooperation of the people. Furthermore, the needs are so great that the total of all potential aid, public and private, would still be inadequate. The experience and resources of the China International Famine Relief Committee, or of any other private, non-political organization concerned with relief, should be welcome as useful supplements to the large-scale relief that governmental authorities ought to be undertaking.

Freedom of transport by water, rail, and highway, is essential to any considerable recovery. In practice such freedom is dependent upon actual security as well as upon policy. Improvement of transport is acutely necessary both for producers and for consumers of food and of household requirements of all sorts. Fuel and raw materials are largely unprocurable in the places where they are most needed.

In normal times needs for credit were great, and interest rates high. Now normal supplies of credit are generally missing, and the necessities for credit are multiplied. Both farms and city need all types of banking and means for transfer of money and credit.

The need for security cannot be over emphasized. In many places, over a period of months, normal labor and normal family life have been continually disturbed by violence; while tranport and credit and the incentive for productive effort, alike on the farm and in the shop, have been hamstrung by insecurity. The farmers and the city workers have done splendidly in helping themselves under adverse conditions, but further progress is dependent upon adequate safety for communications; protection of persons and private property against soldiers, bandits, and robbers of all types ; and in particular, safe facilities for banks and for stocks of commodities. If political and military conditions do not provide better security, misery will continue and may increase. Insecurity and misery have bred a large part of the present insecurity; and the vicious circle will not easily be broken without unified, vigorous, and enlightened government.

The comparison of the effects of the war upon the farms and upon the city suggests that in the Nanking region more of the cultivators will pull through

―　26 ―

without planned aid, than will artisans and shopkeepers and peddlers. Even in the city, however, tribute must be paid to a population that could endure the experiences of December to March as the climax of a war period, and still have only 35 per cent securing food in part by relief whether through kitchens or through cash. There has been an upturn since March, but reserves are now lower. Furthermore, material resources, excepting for agricultural products,are continually being consumed without chance of replacement. Deterioration is also taking its toll daily. Further economic trouble would bring a sharp worsening. But administrators of public welfare in the United States or in some other countries may well marvel at the endurance and self-reliance of the plain Chinese People. The price, however, in health and in all opportunities of life has been heavy, and ought not to be further exacted.
It has been demonstrated that refugee camps are no longer needed as a major method of relief in Nanking. There are sufficient looted and damaged houses to shelter the present reduced population. Relief can best proceed through homes and personal services, supplying food, medical care, employment, credit, aid in reuniting separated families, to such degrees as ability, intent, and resources permit. Communal cooking may, however, become necessary if fuel stocks are not made available to the public. Every possible encouragement should be given to the restoration and development of municipal services: police, sanitation, light, water, public works. If only some system of garbage disposal could be instituted, health conditions would improve. A police force with some authority could rapidly check the nightly depredations on property and persons.
Finally, reports of losses and of needs are necessarily in terms of totals and averages. It must never be forgotten that many persons, families, villages or city streets, have suffered far more grievously than statistics or generalizations show. The reckoning for the whole community will gain from the corresponding items on the better side of the average; but that by no means brings automatic compensation to those in the worse position. Relief efforts must look to the actual persons in greatest need, not merely to mathematical reports.

―　27 ―

IV. APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
FURTEER NOTES ON ORGANZZATION AND METHOD
1. Field Procedure.
The technique of random sampling was followed instead of trying to locate ''average villages" as done by Professor J. L. Buck in his surveys, because the difficulties existing in the situation made it improbable that investigators could go over the ground twice. Furthermore, it was not possible to put into the field a large group of trained observers such as worked in the war survey of rural areas around Shanghai in 1932. Lacking these opportunities and realizing how patchy war damage was in 1932, it was thought that a random sample selected at regular intervals would be less likely to misrepresent than would a hasty selection of "average villages." Furthermore, there is something to be said in principle for such random sampling by regular intervals as usually less subjective than the attempt to select ''representative cases." The one instance in which this method seems to have failed is the average size of farm in Kiangpu Hsien and the resulting excess of total cultivated area. (See Table 17).
The procedure was more successful than at first expected. However, the investigators in Luho Hsien were stopped by the Chinese authorities in control of the northern part of the hsien, and were held as spies until a letter from the committee was sent to them. The same difficulty occurred in Kaoshun Hsien so early in the field work that that hsien had to be dropped from the results. Only the southern half of Luho is included in the reports. In Lishui Hsien the Chinese authorities in control sent a guard with the investigators; and the guard compelled the investigators to go to villages which they selected and to families in the villages selected by the village head. Consequently, their sample tended to come from the worse areas. In the western part of Kiangning Hsien the investigators let local expediency interfere with selecting every tenth family. A careful check on sampling village by village revealed errors both ways or so haphazard that any attempt at correcting for them by weighting would be just as likely to increase the error as to reduce it. So no correction wad attempted. The men in Kuyung, Kiangpu, and Luho followed their sampling instructions very systematically.
At the start of the building investigation in the City Survey, it was only intended to cover the main streets. But it was found difficult to fit together the family and building investigations, because the families remaining in the city were only one-fourth and the poorer part of the original population. Consequently, in order to get an estimate of total damage, the building survey was extended to every building in the city. If this had been expected at the beginning a smaller sample than one in ten would have been taken for estimating

―　28 ―

value of loss, with consequent greater speed in securing results. but possible sacrifice of accuracy.
2. Statistical Procedure. The adequacy of the sample in the Agricultural Survey with 1 family in 206, is midway between the 1 to 359 families in the 1931 flood survey and the 1 to 79 in the survey of the rural areas affected by the Shanghai hostilities (1932). However, the ratio was much lower in Kiangning Hsien (1: 398) and relatively high in Lishui Hsien (1: 140). (See Table 17).
3. Checks on Accuracy.
(1) Previous surveys were available in the form of The 1931 Flood in China, and the "Survey of the Rural Areas affected by the Shanghai Hostilities (1932)" as well as Buck's Land Utilization in China. For instance if the hisen average for rice seed needed as reported in the 1931 flood survey (Table 17) were applied to the 4.5 hsien in the present study, it would yield a figure of 211,000 shih tan needed. The result herein (Table 22) is only 125,200 shih tan. The average loss per family, $220. is not too much greater than the loss of $147 per family in the Shanghai hostilities in 1932 when the more prolonged destruction in this area is taken into consideration. The comparisons are made under each item of loss of damage. The Land Utilization in China was useful in comparing reported losses with actual farm inventory in normal times.
(2) Independent figures have been secured wherever possible. Independent estimates of the total cultivated area involved were used to check farming area covered. (See Table 17). For the current Nanking city population there are the number of persons registered by the Japanese in December and January, and the registration totals given by the new City Government for May 31st, 1938. No independent count or valuation of buildings in Nanking has been obtainable. Comparison of family losses in the city with losses reported to relief investigators was not possible on all items because their information was much more sketchy and for buildings they failed to secure values of losses in the majority of cases. But on the items of bedding, clothing and money, they reported an average loss of $162.83 per family helped in March (9,256 families).Our figure of $124.96 for family loss of the same items is conservative, even allowing for the fact that the above were "relief families"―though 20 per cent of all families in the city! For comparison with normal conditions of the Nanking population representing the areas and classes that remained, the study of 2.027 families by Smythe in 1932 was the only work available. It made possible, however, some estimate of deviation from "normal." A further independent check in the city Survey was that the group doing the study had lived through the situation and at every point could critically examine every result to see whether it agreed with known circumstances. (But in no case were survey results altered). The most striking agreement was the low percentage of damage caused by military operations which fact was readily observed by many on December 14th. Conversely, the extent and method of the burning and looting could only be understood by eyewithesses. The survey more accurately measures the extent and value of the damage done.

―　29 ―

(3) Internal consistency and moderation in both the Agricultural and City Surveys support the general conclusions and most points in detail. Such internal checks have been applied all through the report so only a few instances need be cited here. In the Agricultural Survey the variation in hsien results are within the responsible expectation of what is known of local conditions. Except for crops destroyed (a small factor in the total), the order of loss by hsien shows a fair degree of correlation between items.In the City Survey the average loss per family as shown by the family investigation agrees very well with that shown by the building investigation when allowance is made for the fact that the poorer section of the population remained (though by no means limited to the very poor). (Compare Tables 3 and 27.) The sex and age distribution of the killed and taken away agrees with the decline of proportion of young males as compared with figures for the 1932 population. The family composition analysis shows a proportion of broken families similar to what one would expect in view of the number of persons migrating, killed and taken away, Compare Tables 2, 3, And 5.)For instances of moderation, the prices used in estimating agricultural losses are actual current prices which were below average; stored grain losses of 5.9 shih tan, while about the same as in the case of the 1931 flood and the 1932 Shanghai hostilities, are low considering the time of year and the fact that the troop movements and military occupation in this area followed two large rice harvests. Furthermore, this year's rice crop had little chance to move before the critical period.The city losses are moderate. $271 would only build a very modest house (and a high per cent of families remaining owned their houses); $29l worth of movables for economic uses is quite within range of the small trade group remaining; as is also the figure of $276 for domestic movables. The total property loss of $838 per family is only equal to two year's income previous to hostilities. The item on which exaggeration could have been most expected, in view of the extent of military looting that had taken place, was money. Yet that is only $9.53 per family―less than what every family not on relief must have paid monthly for rice in order to survive. (See Table 9.)APPENDIX B.MIGRATION OF WEOLE FAMILIES ITS POSSIBLE INFLUENCE ON REPORTS OF RESIDENT POPULATION, MIGRATION,LOSSES, LABOR SUPPLY, DEATHS. As a supplement to the survey of farm families, investigators were asked to make careful inquiries from at least three leading men in every third village on the survey route, as to their estimate for their own village people on the same points included in the farm family Survey. 1 This method was employed in the Flood Survey of 1931, and more widely in the Land Utilization Survey under Dr. Buck's direction. In March, 224 villages were reported in this manner, an average of 50 per hsien (4.5 hsien). This body of data confirmed the general picture of the farm survey, but varied irregularly in specific results,
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. All farmers in NingShu live in villages; farm families and village families are equivalent terms.

―　30 ―

even within itself. Since the data consisted only of estimates on behalf of a community, they are of less value than the more precise individual report of each farm family secured on the spot. We have therefore not employed the village data in our general listing and reports.
But on one point the village data throw light Secured in no other way. They give an estimate of the number of whole families which migrated and had not returned; while the farm survey could touch only those whole families or parts of families actually found in the farm villages. Thus they indicate a possible supplement or correction to our farm survey figures on estimate of population, migration, losses, labor supply, and death rate. We do not feel that our detailed figures from village estimates justify printing, but the best inference we can make from them is that only 70 per cent of the original families were actually present in March. Comparison of this with the individual farmer's reports that 11 per cent of their family members were absent, suggests that migration under war conditions was usually by whole families, a result confirmed by the city survey and most remarkably by the practical coincidence of reports from the 1931 flood. 1
It is possible that some of the supposed 30 per cent of migrant families still remained within the hsiens studied, but in remote hilly sections not adequately reached by investigators, though the samples obtained covered the ground fairly well. It seems justifiable to assume that the estimates of losses for the area studied need not be modified by consideration of the family migration, for they are calculated upon the average loss per family studied, times the original number of families. Common observation in city and country alike is that absent families suffered in general more grievous losses than those watchful on the spot; whether by burning or by looting. This disparity was offset only in part by the sometimes successful removal of animals and a limited amount of portable property along with the migrating family; and moreover, most of the losses here recorded were of possessions not easily moved in practice.
If the figures of 30 per cent could be relied upon, it would in Table 23 increase the number of people left and not returned to a total of 496,590 (41 per cent of the estimated total original population of 1,211,200) ; and would increase the actual shortage of laborers enormously (62,000 families with an apparent average of 2.8 laborers in each, removing a figure of 173,600 laborers from the 447,400 mentioned in the Table as present in March) ; but would increase the expected shortage of laborers by a lesser figure, unknown because there is no report of intention to return.
The figures for deaths ('Table 25) are all in terms of rates for families reporting, and therefore are not subject to change unless we assume that the presumed 30 per cent of families suffered an incidence of death greater or less than did the resident majority. Probably some families who migrated early and to a considerable distance or to the relatively safer portions of Nanking, fared better than the rest. On the other hand, the reason why some families migrated and did not return was simply because they or their accompanying neighbors had already experienced military murder and wounding and burning.
----------------------------------------------
1. "Forty per cent of all people had to leave their homes, thirty-one per cent as families and nine per cent as individuals. '' The 1931 Flood in China, p. 27.

―　31 ―

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Please visit linked Websites if you want to read continuation of this book.

Softbank Japan discriminating against non-Zainichi Korean customers?

2008-02-18T04:48:00.000-08:00

Softbank Japan discriminating against non-Zainichi Korean customers?

http://www.occidentalism.org/?p=832

・・・・・・・・・・・・・
The owner of Softbank is a naturalized ethnic Korean, Mr. Son. Although one of the experts interviewed applauds his spirit on behalf of the Zainichi Korean community of Japan, he points out that his special pricing plan could be illegal under Japanese telecommunications law, which forbids pricing discrimination.

*Although it seems to be a case of discrimination against non Zainichi Korean customers, it will be difficult to know for sure unless the contract with the agency can be seen. The telecommunications regulator should follow up on this.
・・・・・・・・・・・・・

A Corean's delusion map of East Asia.

2008-02-13T04:18:00.000-08:00

This is a Corean's delusion map of East Asia.
It is not a joke. He is serious.
And, a lot of Coreans agree enthusiastically to this map. This is not a joke, too.

TERRORIST Sea Shepherd / 2008.1.15

2008-02-08T07:17:00.000-08:00

TERRORIST Sea Shepherd / 2008.1.15

They are the terrorists and liars. This is a video that shows the fact.

"The Korean master race brought civilization to the world "

2008-02-07T06:40:00.000-08:00

↓"The Korean master race brought civilization to the world "
This program is not a joke of April Fool. They are serious.

Did the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki bring World War Two to an end?

2008-02-03T22:47:00.000-08:00

Did the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki bring World War Two to an end?

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2008/01/did-nuclear-bombings-of-hiroshima-and.html

Freeman Dyson wrote:

I changed my mind about an important historical question: did the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki bring World War Two to an end? Until this year I used to say, perhaps. Now, because of new facts, I say no. The facts are as follows:
...........................

Ministry does about-face on textbooks regarding Okinawa

2008-02-02T08:28:00.001-08:00

Ministry does about-face on textbooks regarding Okinawa

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/12/ministry-does-about-face-on-textbooks.html

・・・・・・To sum up, it’s historian’s consensus that there is no Army’s order for suicide. The demonstration organized by Okinawa’s left party was in vain.

Ministry does about-face on textbooks regarding Okinawa

2008-02-02T08:28:00.000-08:00

Ministry does about-face on textbooks regarding Okinawa

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/12/ministry-does-about-face-on-textbooks.html

・・・・・・To sum up, it's historian's consensus that there is no Army's order for suicide. The demonstration organized by Okinawa's left party was in vain.

“Whales memorial plate” of Japan.

2008-02-01T05:35:00.000-08:00

This is a “Whales memorial plate” of Oumi-jima island, Nagato-shi, Yamaguchi prefecture, Japan.
Of course, it is the one to hold a service of caught whales’ spirit of the deads.
This was made in 1692, and enshrined in a Buddhist temple.
Height is 77.5 centimeters (30.5 inches), and width is 22.4 centimeters (8.8 inches).
http://member.hot-cha.tv/~htc09819/ihai.html

There are some such a thing all over Japan. However, the Japanese did not specially treat only the whale.
The graves and the memorial cenotaphs, etc. of various living things such as dog, cat, pig, cow, horse, rat, fish, bird, insect, frog, and plants exist in Japan.
The Japanese has treated all living things equally.
The Japanese doesn’t understand the idea to assume only the whale to be a special, sacred living thing.

The party who insists so doesn’t hold a service of the whales. Did they build “Whale churchs” in the United States, Australia, and New Zealand?
Their behavior doesn’t have reasonable grounds, and it is contradicted.

It is “White supremacy” that support their confused conviction.
They innocently believe that their Caucasian’s culture is only legitimate, and other cultures are mistakes.
The core of “Whale fishing problem” is it.

Mass suicide in Okinawa

2008-01-31T05:22:00.001-08:00

Mass suicide in Okinawa

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/12/mass-suicide-in-okinawa.html

Two years ago, a novelist Kenzaburo Oe, Nobel Laureate, was sued by ex-Army officials that he falsely accused them as they ordered mass suicide that had resulted 600 people killed themselves in Okinawa at the end of WW2 in his book Okinawa Note......................

“Whale shrines”, “Whale temples”, “Whale memorial cenotaphs”, and “Whale graves” in Japan.

2008-01-30T18:55:00.000-08:00

There are innumerably “Whale shrines”, “Whale temples”, “Whale memorial cenotaphs”, and “Whale graves” in Japan.
It is not only whale.
The graves and the memorial cenotaphs of various living things such as dog, cat, pig, cow, horse, rat, fish, bird, insect, frog, and the plants exist in Japan.
The Japanese has treated all living things equally.
The Japanese doesn’t understand the idea to assume the whale to be a special, sacred living thing.

By the way, did the party who insisted so build “Whale churches”?

One example of whale graves.
↓Oumi-jima, Nagato-shi, Yamaguchi Prefecture
http://member.hot-cha.tv/~htc09819/kujirahaka.html

Nanjing memorial lacks balance / Museum marking 1937 incident being used for political purposes / Yomiuri shimbun newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2008-01-29T20:01:00.000-08:00

Nanjing memorial lacks balance / Museum marking 1937 incident being used for political purposes
Takanori Kato / Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080126TDY04304.htm

SHANGHAI–Concerns about a possible deterioration in delicate Japan-China relations were behind the Japanese government’s request last week that China tone down the contents of the Memorial Hall to the Victims in the Nanjing Massacre in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province.

Tokyo said the exhibits on display in the memorial hall, which reopened in December after a major expansion to mark the 70th anniversary of the 1937 Nanjing Incident, could “inspire anti-Japanese feeling and animosity” among Chinese citizens.

The hall’s floor space was expanded more than 10-fold to 9,000 square meters, and the museum now stands on a 7.4-hectare plot of land, which is three times larger than its previous precincts.

The number of photo exhibits, including those showing scenes of killing, was drastically increased to about 3,500. On the whole, they play up the brutality of the Imperial Japanese Army more than the previous exhibits.

For example, visual and audio devices have been installed to inform visitors that “300,000″ Chinese were killed in the incident–a figure disputed even by Chinese scholars.

Also, controversial Japanese newspaper articles claiming two Japanese army officers competed to see how quickly they could kill 100 Chinese during the Imperial Japanese Army advance toward Nanjing were enlarged to life-size for the exhibition. The authenticity of the articles is contested.

Shanghai Consul General Yuji Kumamaru told senior officials of the city and the memorial hall that the exhibits “don’t provide sufficient coverage of Japan’s postwar development and the friendly relations between the two nations after the normalization of their diplomatic ties.”

Japan is disturbed by the nature of the exhibits, which it believes goes against mutual moves to improve bilateral relations. Once-chilly bilateral ties turned around in the past year enough to make Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao declare, “Spring has come [to bilateral relations].”

Apparently out of consideration for Japan’s stance, the hall has an expanded exhibition on bilateral “friendship” that centers around Japan’s provision of official development assistance to China. Given the overwhelming “anti-Japanese” sentiment of the exhibits, however, the exhibition on the whole is clearly unbalanced, as Kumamaru pointed out.

The memorial hall has served as a pivot for nurturing patriotism among Chinese by stressing the brutality of the Imperial Japanese Army and the orthodoxy of the Chinese Communist Party that “defeated the invaders.”

The memorial hall was built to “record history on the soil of Nanjing with the blood shed in the massacre” in 1985, according to the hall, following a history textbook controversy in 1982. The controversy was ignited after Japanese media reported that the word “invasion” used in a history textbook to describe the Imperial Japanese Army’s move into northern China had been replaced with the word “advance.”

In 1997, the hall was designated as a “model base for patriotic education” in a bid to underpin the legitimacy of the Chinese government, which had been shaken in the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators.

The exhibits reflect the fact that the hall repeatedly has been used for political ends. Patriotic education cannot be compromised as such education is essential if the Communist Party wants to garner public support for its monolithic rule at a time when social ills, such as economic gaps between haves and have-nots, and political corruption are ever proliferating.

When work to expand the hall was launched in 2005, bilateral relations deteriorated to one of the lowest levels over former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s visits to the war-related Yasukuni Shrine and other thorny issues. Also that year, large anti-Japanese demonstrations were held across China.

In some respects, anti-Japanese sentiment prevailing on Chinese Internet sites is preempting any moves toward “weak-kneed” diplomacy and making concessions with Japan difficult.

Meanwhile, another source of concern for Japan is that more and more Chinese people support submitting an application to have the hall registered as a World Heritage Site like the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration and extermination camps and the A-Bomb Dome in Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park.

According to a Chinese newspaper, one obstacle standing in the way for the hall to be registered as a World Heritage Site had been the size of the plot of land on which the hall stands. Under UNESCO rules, a site must have at least 5.33 hectares in order to apply for registration, the paper said. The latest expansion project has made it possible for China to apply for the designation.

Moves to win international recognition for the hall as a form of “negative cultural heritage” are evident in the hall’s addition of a 3.2-hectare “peace square” with a goddess statue.

Zhou Chengshan, director of the memorial hall, said the exhibits “aren’t aimed at implanting grudges or hatred.”

But it appears the hall is trying to make the “history trump card” more effective, while at the same time managing anti-Japanese sentiment.

As long as the exhibits are a reflection of Chinese domestic politics, the Chinese government is unlikely to accept the Japanese government’s request to tone down the message sent by the museum. Moves to register the hall as a World Heritage Site could very well develop into a political morass.

China’s continuing use of historical issues for political purposes will inevitably hinder the healthy development of bilateral ties, especially at a time when a joint study of history by scholars of the two nations is under way.

The Japanese government should spare no effort in making its stances on those issues clear. Beijing, for its part, should refrain from manipulating public opinion by denouncing the Japanese government’s request as “negation of the historical events,” thereby fanning anti-Japanese sentiment.

(Jan. 26, 2008)

Save whales, kill the sea.

2008-01-27T07:56:00.000-08:00

Step 1: Only whales are protected.

Step 2: The nember of wahles increase.

Step 3: Whales feed on a large amount of fish etc.

Step 4: The fish etc. decrese shrply.

Step 5: There are no foods, and whales die one after another.

Step 6: The sea dies.

We advance to step 4 now.
Next is step 5.
This is not fault of we Japanese.

Japanese company recalls globes that label Taiwan as part of communist China

2008-01-13T06:50:00.000-08:00

From Yomiuri-shimbun newspaper (YOMIURI ONLINE, Tokyo, Japan).

Jan 10, 5:48 AM EST
Japanese company recalls globes that label Taiwan as part of communist China

By HIROKO TABUCHI
Associated Press Writer

TOKYO (AP) -- A Japanese educational company is recalling 10,000 electronic talking globes after customers complained that self-governing Taiwan was labeled a part of the People's Republic of China.

Tokyo-based Gakken's "Smart Globe" calls Taiwan - which split from communist China amid civil war in 1949 - "Taiwan Island" and says it comes under the jurisdiction of Beijing, the company said in a statement Thursday.

An electronic voice also tells users pointing to Taiwan the island is part of the People's Republic of China, the official name of the Chinese communist regime, according to Gakken spokesman Satoru Aihara.

He said Gakken's Chinese manufacturer had refused to produce the globes - which are sold only in Japan - unless Taiwan was labeled as a Chinese region.

"Selling these globes was a serious error on our part," Aihara said. "Unfortunately we let cost considerations override sound judgment."

Gakken received customer complaints over the labeling, spurring the recall, but there was no official complaint from Taipei, Aihara said.

The company has sold about 10,000 Smart Globes since the product hit the market in August, he said. Owners returning the globes will be reimbursed the full price of 29,400 yen (US$269; ?183).

Beijing continues to see Taiwan, the self-governing island of 23 million people, as part of its territory and has promised to attack if it moves to make its de facto independence permanent.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said she did not have details about the issue, but added, "I believe the one-China policy is universally recognized by the international community," referring to China's policy of demanding that all nations regard Taiwan as a part of Chinese territory.

"Relevant companies conducting business in China should abide by Chinese laws and regulations," she told reporters in Beijing.

Japan has said it opposes any moves by Taiwan to unilaterally declare independence.

Communisit China is barbarian.
They are caution needed.

Are Ms. Clinton's tears effective for terrorists?

2008-01-09T16:55:00.000-08:00

Ms. Clinton effectively used tears to win in New Hampshire.

Are Ms. Clinton's tears effective for terrorists?

Don't allow politicization of textbook screening / Okinawa mass suicide

2007-12-29T02:29:00.000-08:00

Okinawa mass suicide

Don't allow politicization of textbook screening
The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20071228dy01.htm

Based on its basic view of what occurred in the 1945 Battle of Okinawa, the Textbook Authorization Council on Wednesday recommended that Education, Science and Technology Minister Kisaburo Tokai approve applications from six textbook publishers to revise references to mass suicides that took place in the battle. The ministry immediately approved the applications.

The applications for revisions to high school textbooks on Japanese history to be used from the next academic year did not directly contradict the opinion on the Japanese military's role in the Battle of Okinawa released this spring by the screening panel, based on which it made its recommendation to the ministry on textbook approval. But the latest move indicates that problematic revisions were made out of political motives.

The description, "People were driven to commit mass suicide," written in line with the panel's instructions after the spring screening, has been changed to "People were driven to commit mass suicide using hand grenades and other items that had been distributed to them with the involvement of the Japanese military."

The newly revised description was justified on the claim that the mass suicides were prompted by education and propaganda that encouraged residents to commit suicide en masse rather than be taken as prisoners of war.

The initial revision applications contained the sentence "There were people who were coerced to commit mass suicide by the Japanese military." But in line with the panel's instruction, this sentence was toned down.

Revisions made too easily

To screen the revision applications, the Textbook Authorization Council heard opinions from nine experts and settled on the view that it "could not confirm" that the mass suicides were committed under orders of the Japanese military. It said there were "various factors" behind the suicides.

Litigation is continuing on the issue of whether the Japanese military ordered the mass suicides. Taking this into consideration, the panel admitted there was military "involvement," but that it was unclear whether there was "coercion." This observation did not deviate from spring's opinion.

However, in the revision applications, a claim that the Japanese military gave hand grenades to residents saying, "Use these to commit suicide," was approved. The approval was made based on testimonies of residents, although some experts have questioned the credibility of these witness accounts.

One of the textbooks also added the fact that the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly adopted a resolution to demand that the panel retract its spring screening opinion. This textbook was approved.

If revisions are allowed to be made to already authorized textbooks in such an easy manner, the school textbook screening system could be shaken by domestic and overseas political pressure.

Rally swayed govt decision

What pushed the government to accept the revision applications was a mass rally on Sept. 29 of Okinawa Prefecture residents demanding the withdrawal of the spring screening opinion.

The rally's organizer put the number of participants at 110,000. However, a major Tokyo-based security company estimated the number at between 18,000 and 20,000 based on its analysis of an aerial photograph.

The curtain rose on the "drama of revision" when the organizer gave an estimate of the crowd size that was five times that of the security company, putting the government on its back foot.

The government should never repeat the stupidity of allowing political intervention in the textbook-screening process.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 27, 2007)

(Dec. 28, 2007)

" C's " that hate Japan. China, Corea, and Clintons.

2007-12-23T07:14:00.000-08:00

" C's " that hate Japan. China, Corea, and Clintons.

" C's " that Japan hates. China, Corea, and Clintons.

A troubling position on 'comfort women' / Yomiuri Shimbun Newspaper, Tokyo, Japan

2007-12-14T19:10:00.000-08:00

A troubling position on 'comfort women

The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20071215TDY04305.htm

The Japanese government must lobby other governments to persuade them not to follow in the footsteps of the European Parliament in adopting a resolution that sullies Japan's standing.

The European Parliament has adopted a resolution condemning Japan over the "comfort women" issue. The resolution calls for the government to apologize, saying the Imperial armed forces coerced young women in Asia to work as "sex slaves" before and during World War II.

The latest development resembles the resolution adopted by the U.S. House of Representatives over the comfort women issue in July. This matter has now spilled over to Europe. The parliaments of Canada and the Netherlands also have adopted similar resolutions.

However, interest in the comfort women issue has not necessarily been high in Europe. The European Parliament's resolution was advocated by the minor Green Party and fewer than 10 percent of the members of parliament attended the voting.

===

Moves behind the scenes

However, Amnesty International, an international human rights organization, has organized hearings of former comfort women, including Dutch women, at various places, and is lobbying many governments to adopt resolutions on the issue. Anti-Japanese organizations with ties to China and South Korea are orchestrating such moves behind the scenes.

When Japan controlled Indonesia during World War II after ousting the Dutch military, detained Dutch women were taken by Japanese soldiers and forced to become comfort women against their will. However, Japanese military headquarters in Jakarta closed down the comfort station immediately after learning of the incident, and released the women.

This was indeed an unfortunate incident, but the story provides "counterevidence" that sinks allegations that the Japanese military systematically coercively recruited women into sexual service.

Officers and soldiers involved in the incident were sentenced as Class-B and Class-C war criminals by a war tribunal in the Netherlands after the war.

The German military had more than 500 "comfort stations" in East Europe and other occupied areas, yet we rarely hear a peep about this. A number of documents verify this fact, including a report by an official of the Catholic Church to the then pope, saying Nazis took Jewish women to serve as prostitutes for German soldiers.

===

Kono statement to blame

The Green Party that advocated the adoption of the latest resolution has many German members. We wonder if they intend to keep silent over what happened in their own country many years ago.

One reason why Japan has been repeatedly dragged over the coals regarding the comfort women issue is the 1993 statement issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono. The statement suggested that Japanese officials systematically and coercively recruited women to be comfort women.

However, there is not one single document or a shred of evidence that substantiates this. Nobuo Ishihara, deputy chief secretary at that time, later said the Kono statement was issued to deflect pressure from South Korea, which had been pressing Japan to acknowledge it had carted off comfort women.

The government must review the Kono statement, which has become a source of misunderstanding in the international community.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 15, 2007)

(Dec. 15, 2007)

Interesting interview with WW2 veteran Robert B. Stinnett

2007-12-14T03:26:00.000-08:00

Interesting interview with WW2 veteran Robert B. Stinnett

This is an interview from Antiwar.com radio. It gives a fascinating background of politicking in the lead up to America’s entry into WW2.

The main thrust of the interview was the discovery by Stinnett of the McCollum memo, in which it recommends that the US government put put into effect a number of policies that will provoke the Japanese into declaring war on the US to facilitate the US entry into WW2.

The policies are below -

http://www.occidentalism.org/?p=804

Nanjing Incident merits deeper discussion, study / Yomiuri Shimbun Newspaper,Tokyo,Japan

2007-12-13T18:59:00.000-08:00

Nanjing Incident merits deeper discussion, study

The Yomiuri Shimbun

http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20071211TDY04305.htm

Thursday will mark the 70th anniversary of the Nanjing Incident. Already 70 years have passed since the controversial incident took place. This is a good time for both Japan and China to deepen a cool dialogue on history.

On Dec. 13, 1937, when the Imperial Japanese Army occupied Nanjing, the then capital of China, a great many Chinese citizens became victims of the occupation.

In Nanjing on Thursday, the anniversary of the fall of Nanjing, the Memorial Hall to the Victims in the Nanjing Massacre will reopen after completing a two-year large-scale expansion project. At the same time, a ceremony to mark the 70th anniversary of the event will be held.

Japan-China relations have improved thanks to former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's visit to China last year and the visit paid to Japan in April by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. China has been avoiding blatant criticism of Japan, out of apparent consideration for the changing situation. China did not make any negative comments even when the Defense Agency was upgraded to a ministry in January.

At present, 70 years after the event, the Nanjing Incident is not on the bilateral political agenda.

However, there still is a deeply rooted anti-Japanese sentiment among the Chinese public. Surfing China-based Web sites reveals anti-Japanese opinions being expressed by Chinese youth across the country.
Taught to hate?
Since the mid-1990s the Chinese government has been reinforcing its anti-Japan patriotic education. At many memorial halls to the war of resistance against Japan in China, including the Memorial Hall to the Victims in the Nanjing Massacre in Nanjing, the exhibitions and sizes of the halls have been repeatedly expanded.

At the same time, the Chinese government has repeatedly announced its view that patriotic education is for developing a sense of citizenship in young people for the future and that there is no anti-Japanese education. If that is true, there may be many things that China has to rethink.

At war of resistance memorial halls throughout the nation, photos and other materials that emphasize brutal acts by the Imperial Japanese Army have been displayed. It has been revealed by reexaminations of the incident by Japanese scholars that these exhibitions include quite a few fabricated photos made and used by the then ruling Chinese Nationalist Party for its resistance war campaign.

A suprapartisan association of Diet members formed to ask China to remove unfair photos from such memorial halls was launched in June and has already started its activities. The Japanese government, too, should urge China to review such exhibitions as they may invite misunderstanding.
Dispute over numbers
The Chinese government's official tally of victims of the Nanjing Incident has not been revised from 300,000.

Indeed, when the Japanese forces wiped out the remaining Chinese soldiers hiding in the city, many executions and violence against civilians obviously took place, according to records and testimonies from the time.

However, there are theories that the number of victims was about 40,000 and that only a fraction of those deaths were murders that violated international law.

Recently, even some Chinese scholars say scholarly debate should be deepened on the number of victims. Such a flexible stance has been aired even in China.

The Nanjing Incident is an important area for bilateral joint studies on history conducted by Japanese and Chinese historians. It is necessary for Japan and China to jointly proceed with empirical research toward the final report to be compiled next year.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 11, 2007)

(Dec. 11, 2007)

“Nanking Massacre” / Documentary film “Nanking” part5 of 5

2007-12-13T03:35:00.000-08:00

“Nanking Massacre”
Documentary film “Nanking” part5 of 5

“Nanking Massacre” / Documentary film “Nanking” part4 of 5

2007-12-13T03:34:00.000-08:00

“Nanking Massacre”
Documentary film “Nanking” part4 of 5

“Nanking Massacre” / Documentary film “Nanking” part3 of 5

2007-12-13T03:33:00.000-08:00

“Nanking Massacre”
Documentary film “Nanking” part3 of 5

“Nanking Massacre” / Documentary film “Nanking” part2 of 5

2007-12-13T03:31:00.000-08:00

“Nanking Massacre”
Documentary film “Nanking” part2 of 5

“Nanking Massacre” / Documentary film “Nanking” part1 of 5

2007-12-13T03:28:00.000-08:00

“Nanking Massacre”
Documentary film “Nanking” part1 of 5

"Nanking Massacre" / "Nanking surrender" Asahi World News Extra & News flash

2007-12-13T02:16:00.000-08:00

"Nanking Massacre"

"Nanking surrender" Asahi World News Extra & News flash

Experiments on Hiroshima and Nagasaki

2007-12-12T19:38:00.000-08:00

Experiments on Hiroshima and Nagasaki

http://orandazaka.wordpress.com/2007/09/02/experiments-on-hiroshima-and-nagasaki-a-bomb-atomic-bomb/

TOP-SECRET CHINESE NATIONALIST DOCUMENTS REVEAL THE TRUTH ABOUT THE NANKING INCIDENT(Summary)

2007-12-12T06:06:00.000-08:00

TOP-SECRET CHINESE NATIONALIST DOCUMENTS REVEAL THE TRUTH ABOUT THE NANKING INCIDENT
(Summary)

Higashinakano Shudo
Professor of Intellectual History
Asia University, Tokyo

http://www.sdh-fact.com/

In January 2003, official documents that demolish . once and for all . the “Nanking Massacre” myth were discovered. Marked “top-secret,” they were compiled in 1941 by the Chinese Nationalist Ministry of Information under the title Outline of International Propaganda operations. The documents are detailed records describing counterintelligence activities implemented by the Nationalists in 1937, when war with Japan broke out, and thereafter.

Nanking was the seat of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government in 1937. The documents are preserved in Taiwan, home to the Nationalists since 1949. The author discovered them at the Museum of Chinese Nationalist Party History in Taipei. He made photocopies of the documents, which he took back to Japan.

An examination of those documents reveals that the provenance of accusations that Japan
perpetrated a massacre in Nanking is wartime propaganda initiated by the Nationalist intelligence organization. They also expose European and American Nationalist agents who were intimately involved in the concoction of “Nanking Massacre” propaganda.
One of them was the China correspondent for the Manchester Guardian, an Australian who went by the name of H. J. Timperley. At the time, Timperley was perceived as the conscientious journalist who told the world about the “Nanking Massacre.” What War Means: The Japanese Terror in China, a book that he edited, became the bible of proponents of the massacre. However, the top-secret documents unearthed in 2003 state, in no uncertain terms, that What War Means was part of the Chinese propaganda campaign against Japan.

In 1937, the Nationalist government’s International Propaganda Department made the decision to mount an external propaganda campaign involving foreign (European and American) collaborators. The use of foreign newspaper reporters as those collaborators was central to that campaign.

The International Committee for the Nanking Safety Zone was organized mainly by Christian
missionaries from the U.S.; its members were all foreigners residing in Nanking. We now know that the Committee’s leaders were closely connected with Timperley, and participated willingly in the propaganda campaign against Japan. War Damage in the Nanking Area, written by Lewis Smythe and M. S. Bates, was also a Chinese Nationalist propaganda tool designed for use against Japan.

Equally important, perhaps, is absence of any mention of a massacre’s having been perpetrated in Nanking in official Nationalist government proclamations issued between 1937 and 1945. In the aforementioned top-secret documents, no particular emphasis is given to Nanking in the year 1937, except for references to the launching of a propaganda war against Japan in connection with the fall of the Nationalist capital.

According to these same documents, between December 1937 (the time when the massacre is
supposed to have been committed) and October 1938, the Nationalist government, now operating from Hankou, held a total of 300 press conferences to which members of the foreign press were invited (usually 50 of those journalists attended). However, there is no evidence showing that mention of a massacre in Nanking was made at any of those conferences. The government did issue a protest to the Assembly of the League of Nations soon after the Nanking Incident (the fall of Nanking). However, that protest was in connection with a minor bombing incident in Hankou.

Even more interesting are the circumstances surrounding the Chinese translation of What War Means: The Japanese Terror in China, the aforementioned propaganda book issued by the
International Propaganda Department. Outline of International Propaganda Operations tells us that portions of the book suggesting that there had been a massacre in Nanking were deleted from that translation. The International Propaganda Department had apparently deemed those sections inappropriate because they lacked credibility and might be counterproductive. This decision implies that the Nationalist propaganda machine had determined that the dissemination of propaganda ― even in wartime ― relating to a massacre in Nanking was unseemly.

Proponents of the “Nanking Massacre” have been mystified for decades by the absence of
references to a massacre in the writings of Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong, and in reports and other documents relating to the Battle of Nanking issued by the Nationalist government. Outline of International Propaganda Operations has solved the mystery, once and for all.

Japan asks China for correction of joint statement on yuan

2007-12-10T03:17:00.000-08:00

The " C's " are liar, and they are untrustworthy.

From Japan Times.

http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20071210a1.html

Monday, Dec. 10, 2007
Japan asks China for correction of joint statement on yuan
Kyodo News

China released a unilaterally rewritten Chinese-language version of a joint document issued with Japan on the occasion of a recent ministerial economic dialogue in Beijing after both nations agreed on its content and Tokyo wants the version corrected, Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura and a diplomatic source of the two countries said Sunday.

Portions deleted from the joint document, which was released by the Chinese after the first Japan-China High-Level Economic Dialogue in Beijing on Dec. 1, included a phrase in which Japan expressed hope for China's efforts to revalue the yuan.

"I think there were some slip-ups and this is why (some parts) were dropped," Komura told reporters, referring to the initially agreed-upon text that cited the yuan.

The Beijing meeting took place under a new dialogue framework set up to enhance mutually beneficial economic ties. Six Cabinet members from Tokyo participated and China was represented by Vice Premier Zeng Peiyan and other ministers.

Tokyo released the full text of the document in Japanese to reporters in Beijing on Dec. 1, while China sent out its version on Dec. 3 and posted it on the Web site of China's Commerce Ministry.

Japan, China vow cooperation The Japanese Embassy in Beijing, however, learned later that the Chinese-language text differed from the agreed-upon statement and that sections referring to Japanese hopes for the yuan's appreciation and the importance of China's participation in the Energy Charter Treaty had been deleted.

A senior Japanese Foreign Ministry official said, "The yuan issue has been bothering China so it might have avoided putting that issue in writing," but added that the ministry has not yet confirmed if the deletion was intentional.

The United States and European nations have repeatedly urged China to adopt a more flexible currency regime, arguing that the yuan is being held artificially low, giving Chinese exports an unfair advantage in world markets.

China remains an observer nation of the Energy Charter Treaty, which stipulates international rules on matters such as energy trade liberalization.

Canada joined the group ” C’s ” (China and Corea). Congratulations.

2007-12-08T09:02:00.000-08:00

Canada's parliament passed a motion this week calling on Japan to apologize to the brothel prostitutes that served for the benefit of the Japanese Imperial Army during World War II.
Congratulations, you Canadians.
You joined the group " C's " (China and Corea) of the glory. Please get along well with them.

A parliamentary hearing’s big flaw

2007-12-07T06:13:00.000-08:00

A parliamentary hearing’s big flaw

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/12/parliamentary-hearings-big-flaw.html

Japan That Helped the Jewish Refugees. By Uesugi Chitoshi (Summary)

2007-12-03T08:38:00.000-08:00

Japan That Helped the Jewish Refugees
By Uesugi Chitoshi

（Summary）

http://www.sdh-fact.com/CL02_1/result.php

I was devoting myself to a study of history textbooks when I encountered a high-school text called “New English Course” (Sanyûsha), which came into use in April of 1994. One passage introduced the account of Sugihara Chiune, a Japanese vice-consul in Kaunas, Lithuania, who issued some 2,000 visas to save about 6,000 Jewish refugees in the summer of 1940.
I learned about this mention of Sugihara in the textbook from media reports.
I felt that there was something difficult to understand in the account.
Since Sugihara and I were from the same prefecture, I set out to investigate
the circumstances at the time of the issuance of those visas.
As a result, I found that it hadn’t been only Sugihara who had been helping Jewish refugees. At the outbreak of the Sino–Japanese Incident in June of 1937, when Japan couldn’t avoid getting involved in the problem of
the Jewish refugees, the examples of high-ranking military officers like Maj. Gen. Higuchi Kiichirô, Col. Yasue Norihiro, and naval Capt. Inuzuka Koreshige, serve to demonstrate the proactive stance of the Japanese armed forces to deal compassionately with Jewish refugees.
Thanks to those connected with these four men, a biographical and historical record now exists of their actions. Since no account setting forth the general situations of these men’s actions exists, it is difficult to get to know the full story.
It from my research that I came to realize these four men’s personal stories and their admirable actions — like those of Inuzuka, who carried out a difficult duty in Shanghai — have been completely misunderstood.
I was able to write Yudaya Nanmin to Hakkô Itchô (Jewish Refugees and Universal Brotherhood* — published on 2/11/2002 by Tentensha) using documents of the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the nucleus, supported by exchanges of shared information and materials provided by Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Higuchi’s eldest daughter, Tamamura Michiko (born 12/18/1917); the husband of his third daughter Hashimoto Fujiko (b. 7/13/1929), Hashimoto Yoshikata; his fourth daughter, Satô Chieko (b. 9/3/1933); Col. Yasue’s eldest son, Yasue Hiroo (b. 7/6/1924); and Capt.
Inuzuka’s eldest son, Inuzuka Masataka (b. 12/15/1932).
Inuzuka Masakata (graduate in English literature from the Department of Letters of Tokyo Kyôiku University, formerly an English teacher at a public high school in Shizuoka prefecture) took on the task of　translating this book into English. The title has been changed for that edition　to The Japan that Helped Jewish Refugees.
With this English publication, the book can be read widely in Europe, America, and Israel.
Yudaya Nanmin to Hakkô Itchô is not a book for the masses; its writing style is formal and essay-like, and not even easy to read in Japanese.
Now, however, with publication in English, it is all the more available.
There are a few points that need to be noted about the actions of these four people.

* The phrase “hakkô itchô” has been variously translated as
“the eight corners of the world under one roof,” “Universal Brotherhood,” etc. Since “Universal Brotherhood” was the official translation used during the Tokyo Tribunals, we have adopted that　usage here.

A. “The Higuchi–Matsuoka Route”: Rescuing the Jewish Refugees With the outbreak of the Sino–Japanese Incident, the Central Army grew concerned about Soviet activities, so Maj. Gen. Higuchi was recalled from Berlin where he had arrived to serve as military attaché at the Japanese embassy. He was assigned as chief of the Special Service Agency at Harbin in Manchuria (formerly the three north-east provinces of China).
At that time, Dr. A. Kaufmann, leader of the Jewish community in Harbin, was planning for a Far-East Asian Jewish Conference. There was concern when Gen. Higuchi arrived at his post, but he reassured them when he showed his approval for holding the conference.
The army’s central department, which knew of this through the Kwantung Army, sent the army’s number-one expert on Jewish studies —Col. Yasue Norihiro, who had been a student at the military academy at the same time as Higuchi — to assist him.
The First Far-East Asian Jewish Conference was opened in Harbin on Dec. 26, 1937 and lasted for three days. It was a success. This paved the way for the Second Conference to be held in December of 1938, and the Third in December of 1939.
On March 8, 1938, news arrived of Jewish refugees arriving at Otopol Station in the Soviet Union. Higuchi dvised a Japanese diplomat in Harbin, Manchuria, named Shimomura Nobusada, to help them gain passage.
Thereupon, Shimomura telephoned the director of the South Manchurian Railroad, Matsuoka Yôsuke (later Japan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs), and asked him to arrange a train.
Matsuoka issued directions to give free passage to the refugees.
Thereafter, free passage to the refugees was made a standing policy.
Because of the resolute actions of Higuchi and Matsuoka, many Jewish refugees were admitted to Harbin and Dalian, and then went on to America or Shanghai. I call this the Higuchi–Matsuoka Route.
Nazi Germany issued a protest over the Otopol Incident, but the chiefof-staff of the Kwantung Army, Lt. Gen. (later Prime Minister) Tôjô Hideki, was in agreement with Gen. Higuchi, so he ignored it. When he wrote his memoirs after the war, Higuchi praised Tôjô’s stance highly.

B. “The Yasue-Itagaki Line”: A National Policy to Protect the Jewish Refugees.
Col. Yasue, after having the opportunity to participate in the First Far-East Asian Jewish Conference, took a hand in dealing with the problem of Jewish refugees while part of the Kwantung Army.
Yasue had the idea of adding the Jews to the Manchurian national policy of “Peaceful Cooperation Among the Five Peoples” to make it “Peaceful Cooperation Among the Six Peoples.” On Jan. 21, 1938, he had the Kwantung Army headquarters declare “An Outline on the Policy Vis-à-vis the Jewish People Henceforth.”
This was meant to include the Jewish people in the stated goal to “make [our] ideal to gather in the embrace of our great spirit of Universal Brotherhood.”
There were ideas among those in the economic world to use Jewish capital in the development of Manchuria. In opposition to this, he stated, “We must strictly stave off attitudes like arbitrarily making investments with Jewish capital.”
Then, in July of 1938, delegates from 32 nations met at an international conference in Evian, France and issued a flat rebuff to the
question of accepting Jewish refugees. With this, a large influx of refugees was anticipated only for countries in the Japanese sphere of influence. On Oct. 3, 1938, Japan decided that “[they] are not wanted in Japan or any of our colonies (but they may pass through them).”
Yasue, in opposition to this policy of the Foreign Affairs Office, sent a petition to the Minister of the Army Lt. Gen. (later Gen.) Itagaki Seishirô, with a letter of introduction from Maj. Gen. (later Lt. Gen.) Ishihara Kanji, the deputy chief of staff of the Kwantung Army, who had been a classmate at the military academy. As a result, at a proposal from the Minister of the Army, key ministers of state (called a “Conference of Five Ministers”) met on Dec. 6, 1938, and in concert decided on a “Policy Prospectus Vis-à-vis the Jews.”
The policy said, “Now, for Jewish people coming legally into Japan, Manchuria, or China, conventional regulations for foreign immigrants are dispensed with.” The protection of Jewish refugees had become a state policy.
In its preamble, it stated “[We are] in agreement with the timehonored assertion of the spirit of equality for all people” — a distinct denial of the anti-Semitic polity of Japan’s ally, Nazi Germany.
In this fashion, protection of Jewish refugees was made a Japanese national policy thanks to the “Yasue–Itagaki Line.”

C. “Paradise” — The Jewish Refugee Community in Shangai and the Inuzuka Machine
With the Sino–Japanese Incident, the Jewish quarter of Shanghai became one of the districts under the protection of the Japanese navy. The Japanese navy’s number one expert on Jewish studies was Capt. Inuzuka Koreshige, who was serving at the Naval Headquarters. After suggesting setting up the conference in Shanghai to discuss the policy of what to do with the Jews, he felt it had become necessary for him to remain full-time in Shanghai, so in April of 1939, the “Inuzuka Machine” was born.
He’d heard unofficial word of a promotion to rear admiral and an assignment to sea duty, but instead he requested a transfer to the reserves and an assignment with the navy in Shanghai so that he could function from time to time as the head of the Inuzuka Machine.
At that time, there was anti-Semitic sentiment spreading in Japan from when Japan sent troops into Siberia. When one faction connected with the army in Shanghai issued an opinion piece suggesting that the Jews should be deported, Inuzuka issued a piece countering that position to the army there on March 19, 1939. In it, he said, “These refugees are German citizens and in a third [i.e., someone else’s] country. Where might the authority to deport them be under international law?” With this, he quashed
the talk of deportation.
The unrestricted influx of refugees was causing problems for the Shanghai Jewish community and Shanghai’s department of works. A request was made to Inuzuka to enlist the Japanese government’s help in stopping the incoming flow of refugees.
Instead, he found himself in a troubling position, unable to stave the refugee influx and still having to do whatever he could for them. Among the refugees arriving in Kobe were some who knew nothing of these circumstances, and who thought Inuzuka was in agreement with the Nazi’s diabolical “Final Solution to the Jewish Problem.”
The truth was that on June 10, 1939, Inuzuka allowed the investigation section of Manchurian Rail to publish his report declaring that Protocols of the Elders of Zion was the greatest literary hoax of the century.
The beliefs of those in favor of stopping the influx of refugees to Shanghai were therefore a spectacular misconception.
Inuzuka returned to his original position upon the outbreak of the Greater East Asia War. On Dec. 30, 1941, the Shanghai Naval Office Special Investigative Unit was established and he became its head. The unit’s purpose was to investigate the Sassoon financial empire and conduct counterespionage.
One of their jobs which must be noted here was one in which they investigated the relationship between the Jews and the Freemasons, for which inquiry they entered the temple to bring light onto the subject.
According to their report, “An Outline of the Investigation of the Freemasons,” Nazi propaganda claiming the Freemasons to be a group secretly controlled by Jews was not correct.
About this time, a false story accusing Inuzuka of misappropriation of funds from the Sassoon financial empire began to be spread by anti-Semitic powers in the employ of the army and others. The naval authorities were unable to cope with this complication, so Inuzuka was ordered to sea. When he shipped off on March 7, 1942, he was seen off by an assemblage of notable Jewish personages.
Capt. Inuzuka had turned down a promotion and volunteered to work in Shanghai to solve the complicated problem of the Jewish refugees. In 1991, Hilda Rabau, a poet who had experienced life in Shanghai then, wrote a poem called “Shanghai Was Paradise.”

D. “Visas of Life” — Sugihara Issued Visas Against Orders from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was Awarded the Order of the Sacred Treasure, Fifth Class.
Sugihara Chiune took up his post as vice-consul in Kaunas, Lithuania, at the establishment of the consulate there in August of 1939. His duty was to collect international information.
Early on July 18, 1940, many Jewish refugees appeared at the consulate seeking visas. Because of this, Sugihara sent the Ministry of Foreign Affairs a telegram, and they responded. The specifics of the exchange was published on March 30, 1996, by Shiraishi Masaaki of the Ministry Archives in “Introducing Documents: On Records Regarding the Issuance of the So-called Visas of Life” (Reports of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archive, vol. 8).
According to the article, the core of his instructions was to issue visas to those who “carry suitable [amounts] of money for travel expenses as well as for their stay in-country, after completing procedures for them to go on to their destination country.” There was nothing in them to say that he was to be particularly strict just because they were Jewish refugees.
If he had followed the directives, he would not have been able to issue any visas, however. Therefore, from July 29 to Aug. 26 he rubber-stamped a large number of visas for the Dutch-held island of Curaçao. The total number of visas issued was 2,139. These were family visas that were issued, however, and if we take each visa covering three people, this means a total of some
6,000 people.
The Jewish refugees went by ship from Vladivostok to Tsuruga and were welcomed in by the Jewish community in Kobe. Thereafter, they sailed on to America or Australia, or went to Shanghai.
Thus, he issued these “visas of life” in full readiness to resign his position; but the powers that be of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs — Minister Matsuoka Yôsuke and Deputy Minister Ôhashi Chûichi — imposed no penalties on him whatsoever. With the signing of the Tripartite Agreement on Sept. 27, 1940, there was concern among the Jews living in Tokyo. To Jikkman, who had been introduced to him by Capt. Yasue, Matsuoka said that, “though I was responsible for the alliance with Hitler, I said nothing about carrying out anti-Semitic activities in Japan. This is not a personal opinion; it is also the opinion of the Japanese government.” Moreover, Ôhashi was from Gifu Prefecture, as was Sugihara, and they both had worked as diplomats with Manchurian Rail, and Ôhashi had the highest regard for Sugihara, who had exhibited supreme skill with the problematic purchase of
the Manchurian Rail line from the Soviet Union.
Thus, Sugihara continued to work as a diplomat in Europe, and on Nov.
15, 1944, he was awarded the Order of the Sacred Treasure, fifth-class.
He returned to Japan after the war in 1947. On June 7, he resigned from the foreign service. This was due to the Administrative Reorganization and Special Staffing Order of 1946, calling for a shake-up in personnel. This was not a dismissal and it had nothing whatsoever to do with the issuance of the “visas of life.”
The Jewish community holds in high regard the afore-mentioned people who helped the Jewish refugees. The “Golden Book” (as it is commonly known in Japan) is the registry of the names of those being highly honored.
On June 14, 1941, Maj. Gen. Higuchi’s name was entered in volume six as number 4026, and entry number 4028 was Col. Yasue’s. Capt. Inuzuka declined the honor, saying, “I was only working in accordance with the Emperor’s benevolence toward all people.” On Jan. 18, 1985, Vice-consul Sugihara was awarded the status of “Righteous Among the Nations” by the government of Israel.
There are few, however, who know what a humane act was made by Itagaki Shôshirô when, As Minister of the Army, he set forth the “Policy Prospectus Vis-à-vis the Jews” on Dec. 6, 1938. Given the global perspective at the time, it was a most meritorious deed. I advocate making Dec. 6 “Humanity Day.”
The establishment of the “Higuchi-Matsuoka Route” was made possible through the appropriate decision of Lt. Gen. Tôjô Hideki, chief-ofstaff of the Kwantung Army. Furthermore, Matsuoka Yôsuke didn’t only help with the passage of the Jewish refugees while chairman of the South Manchurian Railroad — as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he didn’t punish Vice-consul Sugihara for arguably disobeying his directives. Still more, even though he entered into a pact and allied with Nazi Germany, his declaration to the Jewish community makes it is clear that he didn’t agree with Hitler’s anti-Semitic policies. Those whose words and deeds are such as these are deserving of high praise.
There were probably many in Japan after the war who just couldn’t understand how these people could have behaved in such a pro-Jewish way while the prevailing trend in the world was anti-Semitic. I doubt that even many Jews or the rest of the world understands, either.
The Japanese thought that the Jews were a threat to Japan, thanks to the anti-Semitic propaganda picked up from White Russians following the sending of troops into Siberia during the First World War — propaganda about the emergence of Communism in Russia and the machinations of Jews in Europe. Because of this concern, Yasue and Inuzuka took up Jewish studies, becoming the army and navy’s top experts on the subject. This is why they became the people responsible for the Jews — Yasue in Manchuria, and
Inuzuka in Shanghai.
It wasn’t just those two, however. Many people of the time (especially military men) thought of the words of the founding emperor, Jinmu, after creating the state of Japan: “Universal Brotherhood.” This great principle was behind all thought and conduct.
This is why, when dealing deliberately with the Jews who were in crisis at the time, it was only natural that they did so according to “Universal Brotherhood” rather than being concerned about “the Jewish peril.” Sugihara was probably thinking about this when he said, “As I was confronted by these wailing Jewish refugees, what I thought was, ‘what would His Majesty do if he were here?’ When I thought that, the conclusion was obvious. I had to do what I thought His Majesty would have done.”
On Dec. 15, 1945, the American Army, occupying Japan, ordered the exclusion of the phrase “Universal Brotherhood” as a government slogan as one part of the “Shinto Directive” to tear down the Japanese spirit. At the Tokyo Tribunal (AKA Far-East Military Tribunal), however, the incarcerated former Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichirô and former Army Minister Araki Sadao, made a petition, pleading through attorney Kiyose Ichirô and others that “Universal Brotherhood” was a moral objective — a principle expressing the universality of man — and nothing more. It was a phrase that had nothing to do with any expression of aggression.
As an ally of Nazi Germany, Japan cooperated militarily and diplomatically, but definitely not with the idea of anti-Semitism. The
Japanese firmly believed, and acted on, the spirit behind the ideal of the founding of the Japanese state of “Universal Brotherhood” — that is, the acceptance of Imperial will and acting in accord with it was the active principal of the Japanese people.

Profile: Uesugi Chitoshi
Mr. Uesugi was born the third son of a Shinto priest in the city of Hida in Gifu Prefecture in 1927. After graduating from Kokugakuin University with a degree in history, he worked for 37 years as a high school social studies teacher. He retired in 1988. From the time he was a high school teacher, he was attached to the Japanese Teachers’ Association, an educational study organization, and undertook various studies and carried out awareness programs to correct left-wing educational tendencies.
In particular, he undertook the responsibility of laboring for the alteration of the Japanese Education Act, publishing Discourses on Amending the Japanese Education Act (Japanese Teachers’ Library) in 1980, and Points of Contention with the Japanese Education Act (Yoshimoto Co.) in 1984. In addition, he wrote a six-part series called “Dear Hiroshima Board of Education” in the magazine Seiron, starting in September of 1997, raising questions about criticism of Japan’s national flag and anthem in the educational milieu. The series received considerable feedback and created something of a
controversy, and served as an impetus to the establishment in 2002 of the National Flag and Anthem Law. He published The “Hinomaru” and “Kimigayo” Seen as Our Supreme Embodiment: the World’s National Flags and Anthems (Japanese Law and Culture Studies Center) in 1991 concerning the problem.
He has written many other works primarily concentrating on historical problems.
Important works among them are Verifying the “Comfort Women” (Zenbô Co.) in 1993, The Whole Story of the Comfort Women Problem (Kokumin Kaikan Library) in 1994, Recapping the School Textbook Controversy and Educational Judgement (Yoshimoto Co.) in 1990, The Great East Asia War as a War of Conflicting Cultures (Zenbô Co.) in
1995, and Jewish Refugees and The Whole World Under One Roof (Tenden Co.) in 2002.

Japan didn't take a language away from Korea.

2007-11-30T05:51:00.000-08:00

Japan didn't take a language away from Korea.
The history of the Hangul Alphabet

By ISOROKU

http://resistance333.web.fc2.com/english/hangul.htm

La Coree du sud a achete la resolution de " L’esclavage sexuel"

2007-11-27T02:17:00.000-08:00

La Coree du sud a achete la resolution de " L’esclavage sexuel"

http://lejaponnote.blog17.fc2.com/blog-entry-1.html

Summary of the comfort women issue.

2007-11-23T05:37:00.000-08:00

Summary of the comfort women issue.

http://orandazaka.wordpress.com/2007/11/22/summary-of-the-comort-women-issue/

Norimitsu Onishi, a liar

2007-11-21T05:08:00.000-08:00

Norimitsu Onishi, a liar

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/11/norimitsu-onishi-liar.html

Norimitsu Onishi is the Tokyo bureau chief of NY Times.

Asahi Shimbun's misleading article

2007-11-21T05:04:00.000-08:00

Asahi Shimbun's misleading article

http://ianfu.blogspot.com/2007/11/asahi-shimbuns-misleading-article.html

Asahi Shimbun is Leftist newspaper cooperate with “People’s Daily” the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China.

Dokdo-or-Takeshima? / Blog about a problem between Japan and Corea(Korea) to be depressed of mind.

2007-10-30T00:31:00.000-07:00

Dokdo-or-Takeshima?

http://dokdo-or-takeshima.blogspot.com/

"Purpose of this Blog

The purpose of this blog is to discuss current and historical issues related to the territorial dispute between Japan and Korea over Liancourt Rocks, which is a small group of rocky islets located in the Sea of Japan. Japanese refer to the islets as "Takeshima" while Koreans refer to them as "Dokdo." All views are welcome, and comments may be made in any language, but personal attacks, foul language, and comments dealing with unrelated issues will be unwelcome and may be deleted. The goal is civil discussion and debate."

Japan didn't take a severe ruling

2007-10-22T04:03:00.000-07:00

Japan didn't take a severe ruling
By ISOROKU
http://resistance333.web.fc2.com/english/ruling.htm

Truth of Comfort Women - Explanation -

2007-10-16T22:54:00.000-07:00

Truth of Comfort Women - Explanation -

http://resistance333.web.fc2.com/english/english_comfort_women1.htm

By Han'nichi seiryoku gekitaiyou html-ban siryoukan (反日勢力撃退用・html版資料館)